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Publications; Correspondence and Clippings
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Publications; Correspondence and Clippings
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box: 569
folder: 8
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1954 to 1958
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TRANSMITTAL
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FROM:
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1957
Roek
‘asecneties For your information
cestonitsiea td Note and return to me
.2-...Per your request
biceictiasincdh For your action
T0: Jean Roek
FROM:
Publi Relations Dept.
Otha
For your informatio
ok oie Note and return to me
eotudussinte Per your request
sleet For your action
NOV 1 8 1957
J.A. W.
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Democratic Programs for Action
Foreign and Military Policy for
Peace and Security
A Series of Ten Pamphlets
NUMBER
Where
ONE
We Are: The
World of
Today and How It
Got That Way
/
“If we could first know
i
i
i
'
|
where we are, and whither
tending, we could then better judge what to do, and how
to do it.”
.
—Abraham
Published
THE
DEMOCRATIC
1028
10
Cents
by
Authority
ADVISORY
:
Price
we are
Lincoln
of
COUNCIL
of the
NATIONAL
Connecticut
Avenue,
COMMITTEE
Washington,
D. C.
THE
ADVISORY
of
DEMOCRATIC
COUNCIL
the
NATIONAL
COMMITTEE
Members
Jacob
M.
Arvey
Herbert H. Lehman
Ernest W. McFarland
Margaret Price
Calvin W. Rawlings
Thelma Parkinson Sharp
Adlai E. Stevenson
Mrs. Lennard Thomas
Marguerite Peyton Thompson
Harry S. Truman
Raymond R. Tucker
G. Mennen Williams
Paul Ziffren
Paul M. Butler
Katherine M. Cullinan
Mrs. Benjamin B. Everett
Camille
Leo C.
W.
F. Gravel,
Graybill
Averell
Hubert
H.
Jr.
Harriman
Humphrey
Ione Hunt
Estes Kefauver
Arthur B. Koontz
David L. Lawrence
Mrs.
Franklin
D.
PAGE
The Seemingly Safe and Solid World of the Nineteenth Century Has Been Destroyed by Two World
errr rsstnee gomedia ge esac teemaee
ct ee
I
5
After the Wars of Two Powerful
States_____-----.--------_---____-__----___-------
6
Power__.
«6
Growth_.__-.....-.
7
Sputniks__---------------_---
a:
The Emergence
Groupings of
Consultant
Roosevelt
Paul
M.
Executive
Charles
Butler,
Chairman
Philip B.
Committee
Thomas
Perlman
Director
K. Finletter
The
The
Why
THE
ADVISORY
COMMITTEE
ON
FOREIGN
POLICY
Eugenie Anderson
Jefferson A. Beaver
L. Howard Bennett
William Benton
Barry Bingham
Chester Bowles
James B. Carey
Benjamin V. Cohen
Gordon Dean
Irving M. Engel
Silliman Evans, Jr.
Abraham Feinberg
Dorothy Fosdick
Charles B. Gary
Chairman
Dean Acheson
Talks
The
Members
Philip C. Jessup
Estes Kefauver
S. Ralph Lazrus
Herbert H. Lehman
David J. McDonald
Helen Kirkpatrick Milbank
Edward G. Miller, Jr.
Hans J. Morgenthau
James G. Patton
Edith Sampson
Willard L. Thorp
G. Mennen Williams
Stanley Woodward
Vice Chairman
Paul H. Nitze
ne ---World_____._.......--We
What
Counsel
Charles S. Murphy
Tyroler, II
Free
of the
Russian
Industrial
for Russian
Lesson
The
and
System
Soviet
The
Reasons
Administrative
THE WORLD OF TODAY
IT GOT THAT WAY
ARE:
HOW
WE
AND
WHERE
CONTENTS
OF
TABLE
Free
of
Center
Russian
Power
What
It Takes...
With
the
Republican
By
Mean
Must
the
Term__------------.--------
9
Power___--------.
9
Balanced_____________
10
World
Be
12
Russians_--------------------------------Party
Cannot
Lead
Today...
Country Demands the Democratic Party
ahah cpap anpente
What
the
What
Is Needed
in
g
1958
and
1960_------
List of Pamphlets on Foreign and Military Policy
for Peace and Security_____----_---------------------------------
13
14
17
18
19
Where We Are: The World of Today and How
lt Got That Way
The Seemingly Safe and Solid World of the
Nineteenth Century Has Been Destroyed
by Two World Wars
These pamphlets are recommendations for
policy, prepared under the authority and
supervision of the Advisory Council.
They
are in furtherance of the most ancient and
the most vigorous tradition of the Democratic
Party—to bring about the widest discussion
and understanding of public questions, and
participation in forming Party policy.
Young voters who will go to the polls for the first
time this year were born before the Second World
t
Firs
the
re
befo
born
e
wer
s
ent
par
r
thei
of
t
Mos
.
War
World War, and some of them fought in it. For two
generations we have lived through wars and the conis
generation
another
Now
stant threat of them.
erowing up to face equal, perhaps greater, dangers.
It used to be fashionable for young people to say that
their elders had made a mess of things and demand bold
But there is more to the problem than that.
solutions.
Understanding the problem comes before finding answers.
The world as it was before the First World War seems
y
gel
lar
ld
wor
a
was
It
ce.
pla
al
hic
myt
and
t
tan
dis
a
It was also without
without automobiles and airplanes.
world wars. For a hundred years people everywhere had
suffered less from international war than they had for
Also, in those hundred years, the world had
centuries.
experienced greater economic development than in all
Our own country, helped by capital from
prior history.
ng
alo
ts
men
tle
set
of
nge
fri
a
m
fro
n
ow
gr
had
,
Europe
our eastern and southern coast to an industrial halfThen, too, none of the great powers tried
continent.
Cold
to keep international relations perpetually tense.
wars were unknown.
The key factor in all of this was that the great empires of Europe maintained a balance of power before
1900 which prevented any one of them from attempting
In the comto establish supremacy over the others.
parative peace which they kept, an international economic system developed and common ideas of international behavior grew up—and were sometimes enforced.
But by 1914 the balance of power was upset by the
greater industrial progress and strength of Germany.
Two fatal attempts by Germany to become supreme
—
ia
ss
Ru
e—
on
but
all
ed,
ken
wea
y
atl
gre
or
,
yed
destro
5
of the great empires which had maintained the old world
order.
The Emergence After the Wars of Two Powerful
Groupings of States
After the wars two strong powers, the United States
and Russia, and the beginnings of two world systems
emerged.
The future of western civilization, indeed the
very existence of mankind, depends on the relations
between them.
;
_ The Soviet System and Russian Power
Russia has been an important power for at least two
centuries.
In the past thirty years the Soviet regime
has made it even greater by vastly increasing heavy
industrial production.
From the start, the regime has maintained an enormous military establishment, subsidized subversion in
every country, and now exports arms, capital, techniclans, and propaganda.
It believes in the inevitable
collapse of capitalistic governments and economic systems and the triumph of Soviet communism in world
domination.
Moreover, the regime rejects every basic idea of the
established order in other countries.
This has added a
new and vexing complication to the conduct of international relations, the cold war.
Industrial
an amazing
production
rate.
in Russia
has
been
growing
at
When Germany attacked Russia in 1941, few people
believed that Russian industry, military organization,
and methods of supply were adequate to withstand the
onslaught of the highly industrialized militaristic Nazi
state.
And, in fact, we have continued to look upon
Russia as an under-industrialized, inefficient, and semiliterate country——-one which could not possibly compete
with our mass production and highly skilled economy.
This illusion of ours is proving costly today.
A congressional report tells us that Russian steel
production in 1955 was 43 per cent of ours, and in
6
1960 will be 51 per cent. These percentages appear less
deceptively comforting when we realize that Soviet steel
production increased twelvefold within sixteen working
years through 1955, while that of the United States
merely doubled.
And the report warns that these figures
underestimate the relative power of the Soviet Union,
where “only an insignificant proportion of that steel
goes into satisfying consumer needs for automobiles,
washing machines, refrigerators, etc.
The bulk of it—
perhaps as much steel as in the United States—is available for production of military goods or for items conducive to further economic growth.”
With the present reduction in our steel production
due to the recession, our actual production is probably
running not much, if any, above the Russian.
There
REASONS FOR RUSSIAN INDUSTRIAL GROWTH
are three main reasons for Soviet
industrial
growth and for its continuance.
The Russian people
work longer hours and consume less of what they produce than we do.
The Soviet communist command re-
quires them to do this.
Sternly restricted consumption
in the Soviet Union (hence the poor housing, poor food,
few automobiles, refrigerators, the high price of clothing, etc.) permits the investment of 40 per cent of
production in capital equipment and arms. In the United
States the amount available varies from 25 to 30 per cent.
Personal
consumption
in
the
Soviet
Union
is
only
about 56 per cent of production, while it is 67 per
cent in the United States, 69 per cent in Canada, 70
per cent in Italy, and 72 per cent in France.
The lowest
figure in the West, 61 per cent in West Germany, in
part explains that country’s spectacular recovery.
In the second place, Russian industrial plant,
post-war, is modern and efficient, while that
western nations is generally older.
largely
of the
Finally, Russian technical and inventive brains are
first class and are rapidly increasing in numbers.
In
1928 in Russia, the congressional report tells us, ‘‘the
state of technology was generally backward, and labor
skilled in modern technology was scarce.”
Now the
—_
7
Soviet Union graduates double the bachelors of science
graduated in the United States and over two and a half
times aS many engineers.
The Chairman of the President’s Scientific Advisory
Council has just predicted “tremendous and explosive
development in Russian physics during the next ten
years” and that “without a conscious effort on our part,
their numbers of trained scientists will soon dwarf ours.”
The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists for December, 1957
(p. 348) states: “The fact is that America always has
been behind Russia—Czarist or Communist—in many
areas of applied mechanics. ... Russia has had an
unbroken scholarly tradition in hydrodynamics, aerodynamics and ballistics.”’
In short, Soviet Russia is a powerful state, able to
concentrate human and material resources for national
purposes in a quantity and quality which this country
is not doing—and, perhaps, has never done.
This has
given a new dimension to the problem before us.
The
terrible fact is that we are running out of time.
The reason
THE LESSON OF THE SPUTNIKS
With showmanship
is simple.
that
must
make our advertising experts green with envy, the Soviet
Union has demonstrated its ability to shoot heavy satelIn doing so, it has made unpleaslites into outer space.
antly clear that it possesses rockets that are usable for
intercontinental ballistic missiles—and, of course, intermediate range ballistic missiles—rockets that are more
powerful than any that this country has, or has in
This produces an immediate result, and holds an
sight.
ominous prophecy.
The immediate result is that those nations which have
relied upon our strength for protection, now doubt it.
In this world a nation must not only be strong but must
have other nations believe in that strength, or else it
may be put to disastrous tests of its strength.
The evil omen for the future is that if, as the facts
indicate, the Soviet Union is already producing IRBMs
in quantity, and should produce ICBMs in quantity substantially before the United States can do so, our decline
in military power and capacity to retaliate against attack
8
In this situation, it is well to look
may be serious indeed.
at the other side of the power ledger.
WHAT
The
Free
World
WE
MEAN
BY THE TERM
By the Free World we mean all those countries which
want to live and develop in their own way, and do not
want to be run by a communist clique under the domiThese countries differ from
nation of Soviet Russia.
one another in many ways, including their attitude toward us, but are alike in one vital respect—their desire
to go their own way to their own goals, unbossed by
any other power.
The central purpose of United States policy, essential
to our well-being, is to do all in our power to enable this
Free World to be militarily secure, economically vigorous,
and united by some basic ideas about international
conduct.
THE CENTER OF FREE WORLD POWER
At present the strength which brings military security
and helps economic development among the free nations
lies in North America and Western Europe.
We can get a good idea of relative potential strength:
United States
if we look again at steel production.
production (1956 figures) was more than twice that of
It was 140 per cent of that of
the Soviet Union.
So United States and European proWestern Europe.
duction together is something over four times Russian
production. But, if Russian and Western European production were to be combined against us, ours would be
only 87 per cent of the combination; and, at present rates.
of growth, it would be only 81 per cent in 1960.
far as population goes, similar results follow
The population of the United
the same combinations.
States is 172 million; that of the Soviet Union 202
million, and that of the European NATO countries 261
Make the additions yourself.
million.
So
Close alliance and common effort are essential for both
Without our
Western Europe and the United States.
9
support, the European countries cannot survive as independent states, against Russian pressure.
intervene in two world
of Europe by a power
would be just as hazardand 1941; indeed, more
of Russian power.
For this reason the keystone of United States policy
since 1945 has, first, been to restore Western Europe by
the Marshall Plan, and then to join forces through NATO
to protect our common interests.
Unless the strength to
preserve us all is created and bound together, neither
national independence nor the ability of a people to pursue
its own goals in its own way will long survive in any
part of the world.
Where troops could not or dared not go, subversion or
threat was used—successfully in Czechoslovakia, unsuccessfully in Greece, Turkey, Italy, France, West Germany, and the Low Countries.
——
On our side, we have had to
wars to prevent the unification
hostile to us.
That combination
ous to us now as it was in 1917
so, because of the great increase
lites of Iran, Greece and Yugoslavia.
In other words,
communist governments took over wherever the Kremlin
had the physical power in position.
Africa.
None of us begrudge the Russians their economic
growth. We wish that the Russian people enjoyed more
of it.
But it is precisely because they do not that it
When the share which goes to the Russian
concerns us.
people is harshly restricted in order to build up the
world’s greatest military forces—both nuclear armaments and forces of the older types—we ask why.
During the war the Kremlin used its military power
to absorb Lithuania, Esthonia, Latvia and Outer Mongolia.
At the war’s end it used its military power to
make satellites of Poland, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria,
East Germany, North Korea, and to try to make satel-
10
|
at the summit conference in Geneva and afterwards,
attempts to reach agreement on Germany failed.
yee
2
Almost steady discussion of armaments from 1946
to 1958 has run into the blank wall of Soviet refusal to
permit any safe and reliable inspection and control.
Freres
After the war, the only other great military power,
the United States, demobilized and substantially denuded
itself of regular forces.
To remove the fear and danger
of nuclear weapons, of which it then had a monopoly,
the United States offered to put the whole business of
nuclear power and weapons under international control.
But the Soviet government refused all offers and redoubled efforts in both nuclear and regular armaments.
3
Four years of high level talks (1946-1949) failed to
make any progress toward unifying Germany and getting a German peace treaty.
Instead, the Soviet Union
first declared the cold war by compelling its satellites
to reject the Marshall Plan; and, then, again showed
its willingness to use force, directly and indirectly, in
Again, in 1955,
the blockade of Berlin and in Korea.
Why Russian Power Must Be Balanced
The power of Russia’s traditional enemies, Germany
and Japan, was destroyed in the Second World War. The
present and potential power of China has been added to
the communist system.
And the Kremlin has recently added the export of
capital and arms as a means for dominating Asia and
We return to our question, why has this happened?
does the Soviet Union maintain the greatest
Why
armaments in the world and persist in maximizing international tensions?
The answer lies not in wickedness among the Russian
people; but, partly, in the nature of dictatorships, and,
more, in the nature of the Soviet communist dictatorship.
The suspicion, fear, and ruthlessness of absolute power—
which corrupts absolutely—have combined with MarxistLeninist ideology to compel the Soviet leaders to a warped
They
and distorted view of the non-communist world.
see their relations with it as an unremitting struggle in
which capitalism will inevitably collapse, and communism
“One cannot
—and with it Soviet power—will triumph.
And
stop the course of history,” says Khrushchev.
again, “We will bury you.”
So they think that time is on their side and that international tension is more likely to divide the West than
ai
Somewhere along this inescapto hurt the communists.
able road they believe that force will be used by the
decaying West in a last desperate effort to destroy the
Soviet Union.
It also seems plain that, if they can do so without
substantial risk, the men in the Kremlin are likely to
imagine the impending attack, and anticipate it.
So
completely have they eliminated from their minds the
difference between what is true and what they want to
believe to be true that they will have no trouble in finding
justification for any action they desire to take.
Our first task, therefore,
is to strengthen
our military
establishment to the point where the Soviets will be convinced that they will risk much and gain little from either
the use or the threat of force. To let the Kremlin get to a
position of military supremacy, with the record it has, is
At the same time, military
a sure road to disaster.
strength can only postpone an inevitable decline in the
relative power of the Free World unless we also provide
large amounts of capital to the undeveloped areas that
so urgently require it, and adopt a trade policy which
will permit them to repay us.
To
balance
What
Russian
It Takes
military
maneuvers will be tough and
than moralizing, exhortation,
power
economic
and
It will take more
costly.
It will
or, even, money.
require a government with the will to lead through diffiA government of this
culties, dangers, and hardships.
kind can inspire us to do what has to be done.
First
of
all,
we
must
increase
our
basic
industrial
This means expansion of plant and shift
production.
of production from less essential to more essential
It means, too, all the economic, financial, and
articles.
fiscal measures to keep the country sound and the
We must have economic
burden fairly distributed.
and conventional forces and weapons systems, for even
a minimum shelter system against fall-out, for capital
goods for export to countries now ready and pressing
for them—all these demands upon industry will call for
national production greater than we now have.
The urgent
period in which
trial production
non-communist
workable.
need of our day is to use the limited
the West will have a sizable lead in indusover the communist system, to make the
states militarily strong and economically
Not only must we produce more, but we must find
scientific and inventive brains. of better quality and
greater quantity than we now have.
The brains developed by our mass-production industries are not sufficient
to keep abreast of the swift movement in the weapons
field.
Just as we needed the help of foreign scientists
to make atomic weapons, so we need it now.
Even
though the training of our own scientists has become
a must of the highest priority, youth takes time to grow,
to learn, and to gain experience.
To get the help we need now we must amend our
immigration and atomic energy laws to permit a greater
and freer exchange of scientists and scientific information. We have been the greatest sufferers from our own
obsession with security.
Talks With
the Russians
To do all that we can to make our military power
a deterrent to the use of force by the Russians and
to counteract their economic programs does not mean
that we should not meet and talk with them.
This
includes talks alone with them, provided we consult our
allies first, keep them fully informed, and have a Secretary of State whom they trust.
Production
The calls upon our industry will be large.
for consumption, for essential national needs (such as the
best obtainable educational system), for both nuclear
When the Kremlin wants to solve a problem, it can
do so in the simplest and most secret way, as it ended
the blockade of Berlin in 1949.
When it is not ready
to solve one—as it was not ready to advance German
unification in 1955—not all the glare of summit meeting
publicity is of any use.
Although for the present, at
least, it does not appear that any large matters can be
12
13
policies
which
maintain
a high
level of production
We cannot
an expanding economy.
waste of idle plants and idle men.
afford
the
with
present
worked out in talks
small ones can be.
with
the
Russians,
possibly
some
Unfortunately, the present Administration has become
obsessed by a self-induced terror of meeting with the
Russians.
Wild talk in the campaigns of 1952 and 1954
—‘‘twenty years of treason,” and the like—plus the
bitter fruit of the ill-timed summit conference at Geneva
seem to have convinced the Eisenhower-Nixon Administration that to meet with Russians is a breach of
security.
Then, too, they keep asking the Russians to give evidence of sincerity.
Sincerity in what?
The communist
leaders are sincerely what they are. They are not going
to change, no matter who asks them.
Talks from time
to time can be useful.
No one need be afraid of them
if they are conducted sensibly and quietly.
They should
neither be approached like a dose of castor oil, nor
heralded like a new model car.
But they are no substitute for strength.
In fact, without strength on our
part, meetings with the Russians are not likely to lead
anywhere we want to go.
The physical job before us is large, but possible; to
obtain and produce the necessary inventive and scientific
brains is harder, but still possible, if we go at it.
But
both are impossible, as is the delicate task of keeping
open the door to negotiations with the Russians, unless
we have a government with the will to lead, with the
confidence of the country, with the trust of our allies,
and, with the respect, at least, of those who wish us ill.
We do not have this today.
The Republican Party Cannot Lead Today
The present decline of American power and prestige
is the consequence of the failure of the Republican
Administration to provide the Free World with leader-
ship.
The Administration has failed, not because it
lacks patriotism, but because it lacks the will, the vigor,
and the perceptive intelligence the world situation we
have described so urgently requires.
What the Free World needs
mounting danger and shrinking
14
at this moment of
time is imagination,
|
courage, and an unshakable confidence in its own institutions.
The Administration possesses none of these
attributes; nor can its party provide them. The Sputnik
episode demonstrated the poverty of imagination of both
the Administration and the world of big corporations
and advertising agencies from which Republican administrations are recruited.
Washington generally, and, in
particular, the President of the United States and the
former President of General Motors, who was then
serving as Secretary of Defense, were wholly unprepared
for the world reaction to the launching of the Russian
satellites and remained, for some time, incapable of comprehending it. The Eisenhower Administration deferred
its own satellite program because it was incapable of
imagining the possibility or the consequences of a Russian
success
in this field.
In the same way, and for similar reasons, the Administration allowed itself to be outdistanced by the Russians
in the races to perfect both an intermediate and an intercontinental missile.
Success in those races involved the
expenditure of large sums of money, and the Administration was the prisoner, as any Republican administration must be, of the big business belief that nothing can
be done which interferes with the balancing of the budget
at a low level.
The world of big business has no faith
in the power of democratic institutions to inspire and
direct the growth of national productivity, as they have
done again and again in our history.
- We
do
not
say
that
the
Republican
leaders
are
not
well-meaning, and, doubtless, as sincere as the rest of
us.
This may even go for Mr. Nixon, too, though we
had best, in this case, keep in mind the old adage, “don’t
go to sleep with your thumb in his mouth.”
The
trouble is that, being the prisoners of those who provide
the funds for their party, they are incapable of leading
where the necessities of the times demand.
But even more important than this, they do not understand the quality that is essential to democratic government.
They do not see that the task of government is
not merely to make and carry out policies.
Government
is, also, an educator and leader.
The governed cannot
15
freely consent unless a government presents to them all
the relevant facts and its proposals for meeting them.
There
Then, and then only, is there a basis for choice.
is no possibility of choice when, as for the past five years,
all the methods of Madison Avenue are used to drug
the minds of the people into happy acceptance of what
Undoubtedly, these methods produced, for
they are told.
a time, a contented people and a popular administration.
Undoubtedly, also, they have brought the country to the
brink of disaster.
For months, stretching into years, we have heard
that all was well. We have been bewitched into believing
that an obviously aging and incapacitated man was fit to
carry on the most mercilessly exacting office in the world.
We were given dietary and physiological details; we
watched the doctors perform on super-quiz programs.
All the time a misled and uninformed President has, quite
All the while, so Mr. Allen
honestly, misled us further.
Dulles, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency,
assured a Senate investigating subcommittee, the Administration had been kept fully informed of the decline
of our power, and the rise of Russia’s in missile developWhen he was asked why the Eisenhower Adminment.
istration had neither acted nor informed the people, he
could only shrug his shoulders.
It would be unfair and wrong to suggest that the state
of the world which we have described, and which has
been in the making for half a century or more, is solely
We
the fault of the present Republican Administration.
do not do so. What we do charge is that during the past
five years the EHisenhower-Nixon Administration has
squandered advantages, relaxed efforts, alienated friends,
and deceived its own people, with the result that a danWe
gerous situation has become a highly critical one.
say, further, that this Administration is incapable of
doing what must be done. What this is, other pamphlets,
listed in the back of this one, will describe in detail.
But the first of all requirements is that we shall have
For a long time
a government which tells us the truth.
day we have not yet been told the facts.
The government dares not tell us.
Because it is incapable of action,
it is incapable of truth.
We, the American people,
are at the beginning of a long line of disillusion, frustration, deep humiliation, and alarm. To get through it will
take all our courage;—but more than this, all our inge-
nuity.
For the Constitution, with its elections by the
calendar, provides no easy way to deal with a situation
where without a government, except
ourselves drifting and in danger.
in
name,
we
find
Surely in this great and resourceful people there is the
inventive genius, not only to deal with rocketry and
outer
space,
but
to
restore
to
government
mission which can galvanize this nation’s
to give it a future worthy of its past.
We do
have one
a
sense
energies,
of
and
not have such a government today. We can
in 1961, though the race with disaster may
be a close one.
For the years until then are the critical
years.
What we do or fail to do in these years may be
decisive.
Vacillation or feebleness in action now may
leave us with no second chance.
What the Country Demands the Democratic Party
What
the
country
critically needs,
United States.
Can
Give
demands,
is leadership
what
the
Free
World
in the government
so
of the
Leadership must inspire confidence.
To do so, it must
earn confidence.
The first of all requirements in earning
confidence is that it tell us and the Free World the truth.
Moreover, to earn confidence, leadership must represent
and respect the interests of all our citizens, not be confined to any small section or group.
It must act—and
must be free to act—in the national interest, it cannot be
tied to any timid fiscal or economic dogmas, or to special
interests which support a political party with lavish
contributions. Lastly, if leadership is to earn and deserve
confidence it must call on all the brains throughout our
population, not merely on the leading figures in business
and advertising.
the Administration has known of the decline of our
To this
power compared with that of the Soviet Union.
This leadership the Democratic Party can provide. By
great good fortune the Majority Leader of the Senate,
16
17
Senator Lyndon Johnson, Speaker Sam Rayburn and
Majority Leader John McCormack of the House of Representatives are men of outstanding courage and vision.
They are supported by many other able leaders, all
trusted and followed by their fellow Democrats.
Executive leadership cannot, of course, be furnished
Unhappily the White House is paraby the Congress.
But the Congress can
lyzed by absentee landlordism.
do, and is doing, much with funds and orders, to prod
forward lethargic
force an executive
even
administrators, though
to use authority wisely
at all, against his
What
;
will.
Is Needed
in
1958
and
no one can
and well, or
1960
At present, the Democratic majorities in both Senate
and House are too narrow for effective handling of our
They are too
Party policies and program in Congress.
narrow for a full demonstration of the leadership that
can be given to the country by our Party in Congress.
What we need in 1958 is a large increase in our Senate
and House majorities, as well as in our State governorWe can and will get these increases—provided
ships.
all of us make it our job to see to it. This job of 1958
is all the more important because it is prelude to 1960.
Large increases in 1958 will provide a basis and a springboard for the national campaign in 1960, and for a national victory that will return government to all the
people, and that will restore to the nation and the Free
World the leadership we so desperately need.
The timid policies that the Hisenhower-Nixon
Admin-
istration follows and the inadequate measures that it
timidly asks make impossible provision of the strength
and security which the country and the free world de-
mand.
From 1958 through 1960 our leaders in Congress
need and deserve vigorous support from all Democrats
in policies which will go beyond those of this AdminisThey particularly need our vigorous support
tration.
because these greater policies will call on all of us to
forgo things we would like to have and on some of us
to forgo special privileges.
The country is about to call on the Democratic Party
for the greatest service in its long and honorable history.
18
In preparation for this, it is the duty of all Democrats
to think long and hard about the world and the times in
which we live, and to do so not in the search for pat
answers which seem to offer easy escapes from responsibility.
The search is for policies which will best serve
both the country which we love and that greater, worldwide community of men and women who long to live in
peace and freedom.
PAMPHLETS
ON FOREIGN
AND
MILITARY
POLICY
FOR PEACE
AND
SECURITY
No.
1
Where We Are: The World of Today
It Got That Way.
(May 1958)
No.
2
Why We Need Allies and They
Preserve the Free World.
No.
3
The
No.
4
The
Economic Side of Foreign Policy.
The
Export of Capital to Undeveloped Countries.
A Sensible Trade Policy.
No.
5
A
Policy
No.
6
A
Policy to Guide Our
Western Hemisphere.
No.
7
A Policy to Guide Our Relations with the States
of Asia and Africa.
No.
8
An
No.
9
How
No.10
Military
Them.
Forces
to Guide
Immigration
Mr.
to
Lose
Dulles
We
Our
Need
Friends
Need
and
Relations
and
in a China
How
with
Relations
Policy Worthy
and
How
Us
To
to Get
Europe.
Within
the
of America.
Influence:
Shop.
The Goal We Seek.
When and How
tiate with the Russians and About
to NegoWhat.
Copies of these pamphlets, as they are published, may
be obtained from The Advisory Council of the Democratic
National Committee, 1028 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D. C.
Prices: For less than 100, 10 cents each;
100, $7.50; 1000, $65.00.
19
E.
ADLAI
DEMOCRATIC
RALLY
MINNESOTA
I last
to
exhilarating
this
it
the
the
repudiated.
policy,
forth
to
and
the
Jisenhower
Well,
unfamiliar
Old
those
from
unmindful
The
the
New
Nixon
this
New
tisenhower
«ee
and
today
dialogue
political
the
“radicals,”:
the
tell
can't
issues
denounce
and
statesman's
toga
I
And
delegates
is
it
And
the
nice,
suspect
Guard
Old
in
Democrats
is
not
way,
to
have
in
did
Mre
and
Century.
the
always
a
a
hang
Nixon
loosley
bit
also
the
not
is
conventions
1960
in the
brains,"
cOth
the
Democrats
that
is
"hare
like
sound
off
ward
to
strategy.
Guard
sallied
also
you
Old
the
with
agreed
Old
the
Nixone
shoulders.
padded
repudiatione
then
the
own
promptly
discussing
for
but
agreed;
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New
Republicans
the
the
-=
Old
President's
his
struggle
Kepublican
of
the
the
denouncing
manifesto
repudiated
Hisenhower
Old
New
National
Eisenhower
Old
the
both
=
up
Republican
the
which
rebuked
to
things
stir
in
met
leaders
Republican
a Republican
with
“socialists,”
ignore
back
Nixon
Alcorn,
Mr.
on
the
titanic
to
to
After
contribution
"poondogglers."
last
forth
Old
up
from
“extremists,”
their
sallied
then
and
things
stir
Their
are
Dulles
disagreement.
Nixon's
New
Mr.
disagreed;
Nixon
the
Alcorn
Mr.
But
Meanwhile
foreign
until
aspects
amusing
had
has
it
us
for
world
anxious
the
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memorye
quiet
works,
its
all
and
Deal
New
-=
unrewarding
and
confused
most
the
of
recent
in
forth
also sallied
Chairman,
back
victory
a
of
eve
the
on
spectacle;
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New.
and
Old
Nixons,
one
Nixon
and
House
White
end
of
remarkably
were
Things
state
Minnesota
two
come
to
good
is
it
And
of
disheartening
a
been
has
exactly
defeat.
campaigns
political
nBt ional
errand
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the
marks
Tonight
political
1958
2,
minel
isn't
it
if
even
on
==
ago
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on
of
eve
the
A.M.
November
Minneapolis
to
came
SUNDAY
1958
1,
November
Saturday,
NEWSPAPiRS
RELEASE
FOR
:
STEVENSON
MINNEAPOLIS,
years
fee
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speechwriter.
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year
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Vice
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have
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be
reminded
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Knowland,
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of
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remind
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offices
picture
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programs,
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labore
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Opponents,"
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leaders
Republican
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majority
Democratic
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Congress,
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were
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wonder
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discussing
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around
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innocent
in
while
Agriculture,
of
Secretary
his
Minnesota,
here
Senator
for
candidate
Republican
your
understand,
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Knight.
Mr.
Senator,
for
candidate
Republican
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against
mostly
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governor,
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year
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York
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saw
listed
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concentration
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certainly
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workingmen
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clean,
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developed
world;
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the
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need
land;
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President
give
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member
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for
of
House
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sensitivity
scholarship
and
intellect,
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Minnesota
strongly
how
Senator.
States
Representatives
colleagues
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to
opportunity
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strength.
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programs
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energy,
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governor
great
cope
McCarthy.
constructive
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platform
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leaders
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sit
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alliances,
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wealth.
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and
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look
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institutions
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adapt
the
Minnesota,
to
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leaders
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Sherman
mention
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up
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golf
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war
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Beck.
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to
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people's
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the
taxes,
unions
Congress
a chance
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and
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take
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Eisenhower's
were
union
Reuther
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prices,
President
trade
talked
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high
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Mr.
decision...The
issue
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chen
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us
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need
again.
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But
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crisis
from
most
subsides
Siberia
forcibly
to
was
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Quemoy
was
forgotten
opinion
defense
of
administration.
as
the
the
hope
neglect
public
realistic
I
less
we
ago
in the
this
and
arises.
time
on
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situation.
that
against/involvement
policy
policy
nt
our
years
this
military
is
crises
four
discuss
foreign
concerns
until
to
democracy
discussion
domestic
our
Democrats
peacetime
What
affairs
if
me
But
honest
travelled
upon
want
discussion
the
a more
industrial
And
Russia's
growth
I'm
told
resources
thinking
Soviet
and
so
is
see
Africa,
colonial
at
is
--
Eisenhower
the
in
communist
all
the
are
including
a
and
military
aid
the
Soviet
is
the
same
worst
about
China
of
unmeasured,
its
peoples
friendship
it
are
system
President
stern
that
we
pray
it
Sahara.
magnitude
But
will.
The
of
the
challenge.
age.
things,
and
protest
I
We
voice
talk
the
campaigns.
"brink"
summer
stay,
to
dnn't
of
where
This
wishful
to
Humphrey.
ennfront
wonder!
foreign
again
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the
of
forget
Russian
this
Hubert
tonight
involed
not
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eloquent
beynnd
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the mounting
let's
no
political
are
case
Quemoy
--
--
ventialtion
the
and
most
problems
And
during
often
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the
Republicans
the
Too
and
when
cempliment
here
look
the
be
public
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for
come
must
policy.
just
more
higher
America
grave
we
always
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course
foreign
and
--
borders.
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must
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better
I did
that
him
partner
a
campaign.
future
pay
of
But
is
representative
Senate.
make
a
great
to
and
to
we
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may
without
from
life,
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as
well
contrary
too
a
and
strings,
or
more
to
isn't.
face
it
is
that
Russia
it,
so.
and
pretend
of
is
here
Secretary
to
Dulles
notwithstanding.
in
Asia,
sleep.
while
we
phenomenon
immense,
the
countries,
long
a
China,
dangerous
collapse.
underdeveloped
better
Red
is
energies
most
challenge
rising
in
her
and
Union
have
where
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Russia
too
Middle
the
want
beguiles
often
East
former
many
them
turned
to
with
them
face.
oe
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But
what
distressed
ignorance
of
They
friendly
were
permitted
to
ferocity
the
and
the
that
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we
down
to
safeguards
a
by
on
the
with
Soviet
all
too
much.
past
the
States.
they
--
are
as
few
either
the
the
days
live
world
be
so
talk
together
be
opened
encouraged
with
The
the
road
trust
and
communication
open,
to
up
wherever
Russians
will
be
at
long
confidence
and
are
when
task
is
for
we
means
Geneva,
where
our
of
in this
to
credit
more
for
United
took
sure
neglect
a communist
world
to
what
has
build
for,
I
fear
--
than
and
free
world
is
trying
to
against
line
The
second
task
scourge
black
I give
losing
was
in
said
affairs.
The
task
I
the
are
it
urged
deadlock
this
of
we
the
a peaceful
of
world
less,
as
foreign
a two-fold
hold
order.
--
with
three
disarmament
our
--
it
having
conquest
on
office.
must
we
the
tests
almost
conquest
peaceful
not
of
States
a
trying
dangerous,
less
strive
longer
build
the
"the
than
in
direction
controls
ago,
a moment
nuclear
pride
we break
mankind
efforts
stopping
personal
years
defensive:
must
at
of
no
s#®p
two
dwell
the
--
up
take
Republicans
it,
to
just
confident,
I see
drive
the
ignorance
afford
nuclear
is
of
cannot
of
full
barriers
views,
we
business
our
the
exchange
age
that
I
world
little,
is
Middle
if
by
now
Ages."
less
offeneive:
must
to
opened
first
the
The
first
but
themselves
exhange
hydrogen
I
matters
administration
As
United
Mutual
discuss
goal
all
united,
was
barrier.
imperative
despite
ago
the
the
the
me
years
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these
ready
for
little
inspection.
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ground.
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to
in Minneapolis
For,
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chance
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ago.
in
be
keep
the
new
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plague
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pierce
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even
now
cultural
hope
can,
For
our country
is
world
should
to
we
us.
representatives
here
and
nt
try
if
Yesterday
get
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imagined,
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chance
and
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about
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off.
divide
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differences
way
break
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us,
on
the
people
anything
about
trade,
We
Our
But
is
think
level.
long
it
travel,
rough.
to
peoples
together,
possible.
a
attack
behind
Russian
beyond
little
most
reveals.
Since
die
ordinary
know
of
tragically
or
the
me
six
is
less
do.
the
world.
the
is
world
ae
us
for
expansion.
a
than
problems
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28
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RADIOISOTOPES
IN AGRICULTURE
that might come from scientific and technical advances in other fields. Among
those advances the development of atomic energy is of great significance for
agriculture and the related industries of forestry and fisheries.
From the technical standpoint the solution of the problems of providing
more of the primary necessities of life can come in three main ways.
The
easiest method of increasing supplies is by taking adequate measures to reduce
the heavy losses which at present occur in all segments and stages of production, storage, and distribution. Secondly, the productivity of land now under
cultivation could be much increased and the current utilization of our fisheries
and forestry resources intensified through development of improved technical
mnethods. Finally, supplies could be increased by developing new areas and
resources; but this is the most difficult course since the areas and resources
most easily developed are already being utilized.
The ways in which atomic energy can help in feeding, clothing, and housing
the world’s growing population will be considered in relation to these three
main ways of improving production and making better use of our natural
resources.
THE
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When relatively inexpensive power from nuclear reactors becomes generally
available it will undoubtedly make a substantial impact on agriculture, if
only by cheapening costs of production and distribution, improving conditions
of work, and making modern conveniences and comforts more widely available
in rural communities.
This is particularly true in areas where other sources
of power are deficient. These and other at present more speculative developments must, however, await the widespread application of nuclear power in
industry, and its possible contributions will be discussed a little more fully
later. At present and for the immediate future the radioactive isotopes and
radiation that have become available as by-products of nuclear reaction are
of greater importance to agriculture.
It was at one time thought that radiation and radioactive isotopes might
prove of direct value in the stimulation of plant growth.
To date the only
stimulatory effects in the irradiated generation which have been observed in
extensive investigations conducted in the United States of America, the United
Kingdom, and Canada, have been those associated with damage to the plant,
much as growth is stimulated, in a sense, by the use of the pruning knife,
and there has been complete failure to substantiate the earlier hope for useful
stimulation of growth.
;
Neither radiation nor radioisotopes therefore can make any direct contribution to increased production in the sense that an application of fertilizer leads
to increased crop yields. Their contribution to food and agriculture is indirect,
but nevertheless of immense potential. The value of radiations lies partly in
;
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duced, an
Sy
ATOM
THE
FOOD
e
a
a
y
e
saeEres
THE
A ND
WORLD
PROBLEM
31
L
ee
45
Pn
net Cie
ei
si
eh
Govab tm)
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a ag
el
NRO
ets
8
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ish
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al inte steamiceiaanaite rai
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Ba ae ha
32
RADIOISOTOPES
IN AGRICULTURE
Although
in which case the mutations are transmitted to later generations.
as in the case of spontaneously appearing mutations the vast majority are
deleterious, desirable types occur in low proportion and have been selected in a
wide variety of crops.. Improved types that have been obtained include higheryielding or disease-resistant strains of cereals and other crops such as peanuts,
stiff-strawed types of cereals resistant to lodging, types better adapted to mechanical harvesting on account of particular size or shape characteristics, types
with extended or reduced maturity period, and types with changed ecological
requirements, for instance in relation to higher or lower rainfall or soil fertility.
An example of a particularly significant outcome of work of this type may be
cited from Canada, where among some twenty barley mutants produced by
irradiation and now under field trial are some maturing sufficiently early to
extend the area in which barley might be grown in that country.
Plants such as some orchard crops which are normally propagated vegetatively are also receiving radiation treatment for the induction of bud mutations. Mutants have similarly been induced in algae, and in this way types
more
thus
and
ures
erat
temp
high
toe
ted
adap
are
h
whic
ined
obta
been
have
an
me
beco
day
one
may
types
Such
re.
cultu
mass
in
th
grow
for
ble
suita
ng
easi
incr
try
fores
In
ials.
mater
raw
trial
indus
and
food
of
e
sourc
t
importan
ties
varie
and
types
wing
-gro
fast
of
ding
bree
the
to
given
being
is
emphasis
resistant to pests and diseases, and radiation may play an important role in
the production of such improved strains of trees.
s
tion
muta
e
induc
to
tions
radia
of
ty
abili
the
ol
contr
se
disea
of
case
the
In
in the disease-producing organism itself may also prove to be a tool of excepthe
or
oats
and
t
whea
t
affec
that
rusts
the
as
s
ogen
path
Such
.
value
l
tiona
rapid
rate
a
at
re
natu
in
s
tion
muta
ous
tane
spon
rgo
unde
e
maiz
g
ckin
atta
smut
for
ops,
devel
he
If
er.
breed
crop
the
for
le
troub
tant
cons
cause
to
enough
coma
n
withi
that
find
may
he
rust,
stem
black
to
tant
resis
t
whea
a
example,
to
ars
appe
nism
orga
rust
the
of
form
ted
muta
new
a
time
paratively short
ent
Curr
form.
nal
origi
the
to
was
it
as
tant
resis
r
longe
no
is
which his variety
orse
disea
such
of
races
new
uce
prod
will
tion
radia
work has shown that
ly
icial
artif
races
new
these
ng
lopi
deve
By
ence.
virul
ganisms with increased
the
ipate
antic
to
able
be
may
der
bree
the
,
tions
condi
olled
contr
and under
to
prior
tance
resis
uate
adeq
breed
to
and
crop
his
of
ents
irem
resistance requ
field.
the
in
s
ogen
path
the
of
ns
strai
new
of
ce
aran
appe
the
the
to
ion
addit
In
ices.
pract
oved
impr
ugh
thro
vity
ucti
prod
Increasing
ses
disea
al
anim
and
plant
of
ol
contr
the
for
ures
meas
adoption of adequate
plant
the
by
d
lope
deve
ties
varie
crop
ing
ield
er-y
high
and pests and the use of
by
d
ease
incr
be
can
n
vatio
culti
r
unde
now
land
of
breeder, the productivity
husal
anim
and
crop
of
ods
meth
oved
impr
of
range
wide
the adoption of a
gy
ener
ic
atom
pes,
isoto
radio
using
es
studi
r
trace
ugh
thro
bandry. Here again
es
niqu
tech
oved
impr
of
ent
lopm
deve
the
to
s
tion
ribu
is making notable cont
nunt
pla
and
mal
ani
in
e
dg
le
ow
kn
l
ta
en
am
nd
fu
through the advancement of
il;
q
.y
ake
‘e-
ATOM
THE
AND
THE
WORLD
30
PROBLEM
FOOD
s
hip
ons
ati
rel
x
ple
com
the
of
g
din
tan
ers
und
ter
bet
a
and
trition and physiology
for
ent
end
dep
is
man
ch
whi
on
ht
lig
sun
and
er
wat
,
soil
nt,
pla
,
mal
ani
n
wee
bet
ly
mal
nor
is
tem
sys
l
ica
log
bio
c
ami
dyn
a
h
suc
of
dy
stu
The
.
nce
ste
his exi
ed
tat
ili
fac
bly
ura
eas
imm
has
que
hni
tec
cer
tra
the
and
t
icul
diff
rly
ula
partic
to
ch
roa
app
cal
cti
pra
y
onl
the
es
vid
pro
it
es
cas
y
man
In
ns.
tio
such investiga
s
ion
ect
dir
n
tai
cer
in
ss
gre
pro
r
the
fur
it
t
hou
wit
and
m
ble
pro
a
of
the solution
would at this time have been impossible.
Soil fertility. The major limiting factors in the productivity of land now
in cultivation
are the inherent yielding
potential
of the crops
and
livestock
Gs
on them and the amount of nutrients available to enable those plants and
the
of
e
som
ef,
beli
l
era
gen
to
ry
tra
Con
ty.
aci
cap
ir
the
to
e
duc
pro
to
s
mal
ani
and
ity
til
fer
r
poo
her
rat
of
y
all
gin
ori
e
wer
ld
wor
the
in
s
soil
e
most productiv
of
g
din
ten
l
efu
car
’s
man
by
ies
lit
abi
cap
t
sen
pre
ir
the
to
t
have been brough
ch
whi
,
dry
ban
hus
d
goo
of
s
ple
nci
pri
s
iou
var
of
nt
pme
elo
the soil and the dev
for
es
iti
ial
ent
pot
The
.
soil
the
of
ity
til
fer
the
up
lt
bui
e
through the ages hav
le
sca
er
wid
a
on
s
ple
nci
pri
se
tho
of
on
pti
ado
h
oug
thr
n
tio
duc
pro
g
sin
rea
inc
r
fou
ut
abo
is
an
Jap
in
rice
of
ld
yie
the
e,
mpl
exa
one
t
jus
As
at.
gre
y
are ver
all,
not
y
edl
itt
adm
ugh
tho
h,
Muc
e.
tar
hec
per
ton
times that of India’s one
nic
rga
ino
of
use
r
ate
gre
h
muc
the
to
due
is
ity
tiv
duc
pro
sed
of this increa
the
h
oug
thr
t
tha
tes
ica
ind
ts
men
eri
exp
m
fro
ce
den
evi
and
an,
Jap
fertilizers in
er
oth
h
wit
e,
tar
hec
per
en
rog
nit
of
kg
30
of
ng
ssi
dre
te
use of only a modera
35
ut
abo
of
n
tio
duc
pro
rice
ual
ann
s
ia’
Ind
,
ary
ess
nec
re
whe
nts
rie
nut
nt
pla
n
mea
ld
wou
h
hic
s—w
ton
n
lio
mil
10
n
tha
e
mor
by
sed
rai
be
ld
cou
s
ton
million
y.
ntr
cou
the
of
y
nom
eco
the
for
and
n
tio
ula
pop
the
of
e
far
wel
the
much for
enost
alm
1s
ies
ntr
cou
h
suc
in
rs
ize
til
fer
of
use
d
ite
lim
t
sen
pre
However, the
e
mad
be
use
t
bes
the
t
tha
ial
ent
ess
is
it
t
tha
so
,
ics
nom
eco
of
tirely a question
in
ed
loy
emp
be
rs
ize
til
fer
ed
add
t
tha
and
,
soil
the
of
of the natural fertility
cer
tra
e
Her
m.
the
m
fro
urn
ret
le
sib
pos
est
full
the
such a way as to ensure
al
ent
dam
fun
of
lth
wea
a
ing
vid
pro
are
ies
ntr
cou
y
man
in
es
top
iso
h
studies wit
nt
pla
ant
ort
imp
the
of
t
mos
of
s
ope
sot
ioi
Rad
ts.
hin
cal
cti
pra
and
on
ati
inform
nutrients are now
available and they have opened
up new
avenues
of attack
on important problems of soil fertility.
s
rm
fo
in
ls
soi
by
ed
in
ta
re
ee
gr
de
a
e
rg
la
so
to
us
is
or
ph
os
The fact that ph
ns
er
nc
co
r
jo
ma
the
of
e
on
is
ts
an
pl
by
e
us
e
for
bl
la
ai
y
av
il
ad
re
t
that are no
h
ug
ro
th
de
ma
g
in
be
m
are
le
ob
pr
s
thi
of
y
ud
st
e
th
in
es
nc
va
of soil science. Ad
such work as that in the United States of America with radioactive phosphorus
us
eo
ar
lc
ca
us
in
or
ph
os
ph
of
on
ti
xa
fi
g
in
the
nc
ue
fl
s
in
or
ct
fa
e
th
m
on
iu
lc
ca
d
an
nva
ad
the
t
ou
t
in
po
to
st
fir
the
g
on
am
re
we
o
wh
s,
er
rk
wo
an
di
na
Ca
soils.
,
ve
ha
ms
le
ob
n
pr
io
it
tr
t
nu
an
pl
d
y
an
it
il
rt
fe
l
e
soi
in
qu
ni
ch
te
er
ac
tr
e
th
tages of
us
or
ph
os
ph
on
a
ti
of
bu
ri
nt
co
ng
the
ti
ua
al
ev
e
for
ur
ed
oc
l
pr
ua
us
e
th
at
n
th
show
fer
om
fr
t
an
pl
the
ed
by
rb
so
us
ab
or
ph
os
ph
l
ta
to
g
in
the
ar
mp
co
r
by
fertilize
tilized and unfertilized plots could be misleading.
material it was thought that the increased uptake
Before the use of tagged
from the fertilized plot all
d
io
xh .
mx reeare
i ae ow dsionesée re.
ag
rea RS
oY
at te . ps
ama
omnet Mada ert
Bs
bee. "
ice Sige chad
Be a ah
in
tmp
ae
a
Sea ha
mote
pinagiLi te
cae
i nS: La ante
PAR
nat
+ aeaR GE erItap aie
ta
Die etpe
e
e
oem
si
nn
agotic
“AIRE 5 LSS PILFH Inte
ME ed.
‘
54
SE ene
NES
A
A
htc
*
ta
‘
aA
ta
ae
itaés
ich Ail
ei = as
=
a ae
ir
tii ia
iit
am
Sita ae
stl leah Si il
ih i
el
‘
edn
eat
Sik
i
:a
‘i
tbls de
rm
;
-
o4
|
AGRICULTURE
s
u
r
o
h
p
s
o
h
p
e
v
i
t
c
a
o
i
d
a
r
the use of
Through
from the fertilizer.
came
IN
RADIOISOTOPES
it has
l
a
n
o
i
t
i
d
d
a
up
s
e
k
a
t
t
n
a
l
p
e
th
,
d
e
i
l
p
p
a
is
er
iz
il
rt
fe
e
th
n
e
h
w
at
th
d
n
u
o
f
been
.
t
n
e
i
r
t
u
n
d
e
d
d
a
e
th
m
o
r
f
as
ll
we
as
lf
se
it
il
so
e
th
phosphorus from
y
l
l
a
c
i
p
y
t
is
,
n
o
i
t
a
l
u
p
o
p
s
’
d
l
r
o
w
e
th
of
f
l
a
h
e
n
o
y
l
r
a
Rice, the basic food of ne
of
s
e
p
o
t
o
s
i
o
i
d
a
r
e
th
n
a
p
a
J
In
.
il
so
d
e
g
r
e
m
b
u
s
in
,
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the earth’s history it
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and animals. to
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al
co
and the fossil fuels,
e.
ag
ic
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at
e
th
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fu
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e
th
to
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io
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ra
nt
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tional fuels
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ph
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in
nd
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rs
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e
th
in
de
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g
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be
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at
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nc
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of
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ef
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th
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wo
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sary if we are to have
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ll
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Br
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In
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Animal husbandry.
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THE
AND
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39
La
ik Aci
re
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la:
n
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|
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TERS
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NR
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49
|
RADIOISOTOPES IN AGRICULTURE
&
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WPS
tt
We e
a ae Swi sil, casi
ments on request and hopes from time to time to be able to award fellowships
for training and research in the applications of radioisotopes to problems in
agriculture and related fields. To make the best use of the available knowledge, skill, and facilities, it may be desirable to develop cooperative programs
of research on the more important problems of general interest. Many of the
fundamental investigations using radioactive isotopes can be pursued at any
centers with adequate facilities irrespective of location, but studies of the
applicability of the results in specific regions must often be undertaken locally,
and here again it is likely that progress will be accelerated through cooperation
between neighboring countries.
The encouragement of promising long-term investigations might well be a
suitable function of the projected atomic energy agency in consultation with
the appropriate Specialized Agencies of the United Nations, which have much
experience in stimulating international cooperative investigations where such
procedures can lead to more effective use of relatively restricted resources in
trained manpower and facilities.
|
Power aspects. Little reference has so far been made to the potential benefits to agriculture and related industries that may be expected from the more
abundant supplies of cheaper electric power that will eventually become available from atomic energy developments, other than to indicate in a broad way
the general lowering of costs of production and distribution, and the improvement in the conditions of work aid in domestic amenities for rural populations
that would result. With the reservation that such benefits must undoubtedly
await the widespread application of nuclear power in industry, mention may
appropriately be made of some of the further though admittedly still speculative developments that might be possible ‘in agriculture, forestry, and fisheries.
Although at this stage any discussion of these possibilities may seem to be
purely visionary, some reasonable speculation appears to be fully justifiable
in view of the spectacular technological advances in the past few decades that
have revolutionized the human way of life in less than the span of a generation.
Already an atomic-powered submarine is in existence and in some
quarters atomic-powered locomotives and aircraft are said to be only a few
years away. Much, therefore, of what appears to be fantastic today may be
a commonplace of tomorrow.
It has already been pointed out that while the reduction of losses due to
diseases, pests, and spoilage, and the adoption of various improved techniques
which lead to more efficient exploitation of areas already cultivated are the
most immediately promising ways of increasing production, attention should
also be given to the benefits that might arise through bringing new areas into
cultivation, although this is a more difficult and expensive undertaking. Probably the greatest contribution in this direction would be through the provision
of irrigation facilities, particularly in the desert and semi-arid areas of the
Many areas suitable for such development exist in North and South
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Sa gti ine e a tagsi in 6 RNA
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THE
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Sine ek
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THE
FOOD
43
44
RADIOISOTOPES
IN AGRICULTURE
|
{
;
~
and factory vessels of fishing and whaling fleets operating over long periods at
great. distances from their bases, especially in the antarctic, since they might
in various ways lead to substantial reductions in operating costs.
This discussion of the possible implications of cheaper and more abundant
power for agriculture, forestry and fisheries is by no means intended to be
exhaustive but rather to give in broad outline an indication of what atomic
energy developments could mean to these industries.
Agriculture 1s perhaps the most conservative of our arts; but when modern methods of farming and the multitude of highly technical services provided by an up-to-date department of agriculture are compared with primitive nomadic and pastoral systems of food production, it is obvious that the
farmer is ever ready to adopt improved methods which increase the efficiency
of his usage of land, water, capital and labor.
It is therefore reassuring to
know that this newest of our scientific advances, atomic energy, can contribute
in so many ways to man’s oldest industry and thus open up the way to improved methods of feeding, clothing, and housing the world’s ever-growing
- population.
- Item sets