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Interviews
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box: 563
folder: 12
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1949 to 1955
-
BEF
‘
FAB
a
f
/ re
ST.LOUIS POST-DISPATCH
|
- Reuther in Exclusive Interview Tells —
Of Workers’ Disillusionment and Terror
In Russian Plant in Which He Worked
Rl
Head of UAW
Says
People Are Not Allowed to Think BeProduction
yond
Job.
All Fear Secret Police}
Only.-al
—-U nion
Mobilize
to
Tool
for Polit-|.
Masses
buro.
H
C
O
L
L
U
C
c
M
RB.
R
E
C
N
E
P
S
By
Of the Post-Dispatch Staff.
1949.)
ont
fe
strategy which}
to
opposed
actively
entered Russia,
He
open mind.
He
an
Communism.
he said, with
came out an
anti-Com-
and unswerving
avowed
munist.
:
Precision.
Ruthless
es
pr
im
l
ta
to
l
a
t
n
e
m
a
d
fun
“The
in
te
ia
ec
pr
ap
to
n
ga
be
I
sion that
at
th
as
“w
,
id
sa
r
he
ut
Re
Russia,”
e
n
i
h
c
a
m
l
ca
ti
li
po
a
ve
ha
there you
ly
gh
hi
st
mo
e
th
ts
en
es
pr
that re
s
nd
ha
e
th
in
y
it
or
th
au
centralized
d.
rl
wo
e
th
in
t
n
e
m
n
r
e
v
of any go
,
on
si
ci
de
a
e
k
a
m
ey
th
“When
th
wi
t
ou
d
ie
rr
ca
is
that decision
n
io
is
ec
pr
ke
li
ein
ch
ma
ruthless,
hu
in
st
co
e
th
r
fo
rd
ga
re
without
:
s.
ve
li
n
a
m
u
h
d
an
es
lu
man va
“When
early
Russia,
reached
and
brother
my
in 1934,
er
ng
hu
of
al
de
t
ea
gr
a
found
I
we
and
rn
ve
go
n
ia
ss
Ru
e
Th
starvation.
r
ea
-y
ve
fi
a
t
ou
ng
yi
rr
ca
s
wa
ment
ex
by
m
a
r
g
o
r
p
n
io
at
industrializ
in
ta
ob
to
r
de
or
in
od
fo
g
in
port
gh
ou
th
en
ev
y,
er
in
ch
ma
funds for
ar
st
d
an
er
ng
hu
n
ai
rt
ce
t
it mean
vation.
e
th
in
d
oo
st
le
op
pe
“Whenever
de
of
n
o
i
t
a
t
n
e
m
e
l
p
m
i
e
th
of
way
re
we
ey
th
o,
ur
tb
li
Po
e
th
f
‘o
s
on
cisi
simply destroyed, like the outcome
e
er
th
If
.
on
si
ci
de
ry
ta
li
mi
of a
ed
fe
to
th
bo
od
fo
gh
ou
en
’t
wasn
the people and export, the export
quota was met
beings,
human
at the expense ‘of
especially in the
Oro
RAO
WALTER P. REUTHER
mechanics of his production
i
job.
“At that stage, the average fellow conformed to the pattern of
the state. So at one level you got
the sense of participation only to
limited to
discover that it was
the excitement of increasing production.”
Reuther
learned
actually
There
that
run
were,
structures,
said
that,*he
soon
he
diselosed,
three
the factories were
by party directors.
management;
of
one
going down through foremen; one
of trade unionists, embracing a
trade union secretary in every department and a director over the
entire plant; and the third the
Communist party structure, technically parallel to the two others
but really controlling the works.
“Anytime either a management
representative
a
of
official “advanced
trade
any
idea
union
not
approved by the party,” Reuther
disclosed, “the party secretary at
the plant turned out to be the
boss.
real
“I got the feeling of tremendous
through
power
young
the
people
doing things, but the minute they
attempted to participate in anything of a policy matter, even involving wage questions, the party
secretary
made
decision.
the
It
stuck.”
to
came
he
that
said
her
Reut
.
”
a.
lg
Vo
rn
he
sout
trade
ian
Russ
the
that
eive
perc
Reuther. said that because they
ical
polit
“‘a
lity
actua
in
was
n
unio
had workers’ visas they were able
e
polic
a
of
tool
a
,”
union
any
comp
y
he
.T
.,
ed
st
le
mo
un
t
ou
ab
el
av
tr
to
Hitin
ns
itio
cond
to
akin
,
state
went by boat down the Volga to
mobil
to
zed
utili
any,
Germ
ler’s
the Caspian Sea, he related, often
polit
out
y
carr
to
es
mass
the
ize
in
to
ck
ba
g
in
go
d
an
f
of
g
in
tt
ge
.
tives
objec
ic
arist
milit
and
ical
land villages, where they found
e.
Polic
t
Secre
of
Fear
r
te
Af
destitution.
and.
hunger
Se
e
th
of
ar
fe
of
ld
to
r
he
ut
Re
leaving Russia, where they worked
en
ev
at
th
t
ea
gr
so
ce
li
po
et
cr
rs
he
ot
br
e
th
,
ar
ye
a
t
ou
ab
r
fo
ly
ee
fr
lk
ta
d
ul
co
s
er
rk
wo
ow
ll
fe
time in China and
some
spent
.
of
ms
le
ob
pr
on
ti
uc
od
pr
on
ly
Japan and then worked their way on
if
.
ts
ec
bj
su
l
ca
ti
li
po
nno
ly
ct
ri
st
home as seamen.
,
on
si
us
sc
di
ly
nd
ie
fr
a
in
,
ne
yo
s.
an
er
Trained Russian Work
g
on
am
on
mm
co
is
as
ch
b
su
jo
,
s
id
sa
hi
he
at
th
d
se
lo
Reuther disc
is
th
in
ps
ou
gr
r
he
ot
cru
or
st
s
n
st
r
e
ni
d
io
o
m
un
a
t,
an
pl
at the Gorki
h
ic
wh
ng
hi
yt
an
gi
n
id
en
a
sa
c
i
r
y
e
tr
m
A
un
co
by
ed
gn
si
ture de
to
d
se
po
op
as
00
d
,0
ue
18
t
tr
ns
ou
ng
co
ab
ni
be
ai
nt
t
migh
neers and co
e
th
in
rs
he
n
ot
ia
e
th
ss
cy
Ru
n
li
ai
po
tr
al
on
to
ti
s
na
wa
s,
worker
But if
workers, Many of them peasants group would keep mum.
favorable to
unfamiliar with machinery, in the the expression was
technique of tool and die work.
the party line, they were commuHe recalled that. he was a tool nicative.
and die maker at the Ford plant
“I experienced a tangible examin Detroit when Ford contracted ple of the sort of thing which is
the
with
Soviet
government
to
build tools and dies for Russia. It
necessary for the
then became
Russians to duplicate the American-made sets, and the Reuther
by the
employed
were
brothers
in the}
instructors
as
Russians
technique of tool and die making
They had the
in a mass industry.
status of technicians.
“My first impression was fine,”
Reuther said, “because the workers in the plant had tremendous
enthusiasm for the industrial program, especially the younger workers. They were kids with mechanical toys and enjoying a sense of
Many
great creative satisfaction.
of them were the sons of peasants,
mecabins where
coming from
chanical devices were unknown, to
making autos and airplanes.
in
disillusionment set
“But
above that level of the workers. I
found
against
to
that:
think
the
a stone
about
worker
wall
was
if he
anything
up
began
beyond
responsible for the potent intangi-
ble fear of the secret police,” Reuther said, “right in our communal
dining hall. About 30 families ate
ration
individual
there, pooling
cards to obtain better supplies.
“One of the diners was an Ital-
Communist who had fought
During a philosophical.
Mussolini,
discussion he disagreed with some
ian
of
the
others
some
about
aspects
of the party line, in just such a
discussion as occurs daily all over
the United States, in shops, in ofcracker
the
around
and
fices
barrel in rural stores.
“Only two nights later he disof the
appeared in the middle
The secret police got him.
night.
“But even more shocking in a
everyone
that while
was
way
knew that the police had taken
him
away
no one
dared
to breakone
no
She did
it.
it. When his wife came
fast the next morning
would
ask
her
about
mention
Associated
Press Photo.
W
g.
not, say a word, although her heart
must have been breaking to talk.
“IT came away from Russia, as
I had previously come away from
same _ basic
with the
Germany,
I felt that Communism,
feeling.
like Fascism, not only means
a
civil
of
deprivation
complete
rights, but it offers a promise to
the masses of economic security
at the price of spiritual and political enslavement.”
. Heads Delegation to London.
Reuither, who heads the CIO
delegation
which
will
meet
in
London Nov. 28, together with representatives of the American Federation of Labor and other bodies
to organize a new anti-Communist
world trade union federation, said,
t]
t:
Oo
q
v
J
k
I
C
c
§
J
(
‘
the new group would accept any
“bona fide union, not a political
trade union.”
“The
real challenge in the world
today,’ Reuther
continued,
“and
what
we
must
establish
that
American democracy can do is to
prove
that men
can
have
both
bread and freedom, and to show
that to put bread in your stomach
one
need
not
put
his soul in
chains.”
When
Reuther
returned to this
country, in 1935, he disclosed he
found the CIO in process of formation under the aegis of John L.
Lewis, head of the United Mine
Workers of America, now an independent union.
At that period,
Reuther
said, Lewis was enrolling
Communists
purposes.
for
t
»«
«
»
’
organizational
“Like
everybody
else
in
the
“I
conceded,*
Reuther
CIO,”
worked with
everybody
in the
CIO.
That was
policy, at that
time.”
But Reuther, who won a spectacular victory in routing the leftwing administration of his union
in 1947, declared that he had his J
first “open clash with the Commies” in 1938. He accused them of
attempting to wreck the UAW as
a basis for promotion of Commuu
nist political policies.
Shifting Red Policies.
;
“The first instance was on the
r
the
if
that
I found
war question,
could not get a local
Commies
union to support their war posi- R‘6
tion they would try to wreck that
changed Ss:
policies
Their
union.
with the shifting policies of the a
They blew hot and cold. tk
Kremlin.
“Our union fought to abolish Se
Yet ye
piece work and the speed-up.
when the party line dictated, the
were willing to sacri- ac
comrades
fice the union. They tried to initi- ta
and _ the at
viecework
speed
ate
even bu
plant,
every
in
speed-up
though we had kicked it out after ge
many struggles.”
uy
Reuther said that he had learned U;
of cases within his union where
party-line dominated leaders would of
TA
,
en
wh
d,
se
lo
sc
di
he
They began,
in
ng
ri
st
oe
sh
a
on
touring Europe
r,
he
ot
br
s
hi
th
wi
es
ti
his early twen
e
th
in
rk
wo
to
nt
we
Victor, he
ar
ne
t
an
pl
le
bi
mo
to
huge Gorki au
s
wa
he
me
ti
at
th
At
Stalingrad.
t
no
s
wa
t
bu
t
s
i
not pro-Commun
~~
in and out
movement.
labor
American
of the
&
O
I
C
e
h
t
at
s
t
s
i
n
u
m
m
o
routed the C
.
|
s
i
D
t
s
o
P
e
th
ld
to
,
re
he
convention
g
n
i
z
i
n
o
i
s
u
l
l
i
s
i
d
s
hi
of
patch today
|
h
t
o
b
m
s
i
n
u
m
m
o
C
experiences. with
ot
of the right-wing
TH
bile
spearhead
and
Workers
4
O., Nov. 5.
CLEVELAND,
es
pr
,
R
E
H
T
U
E
R
P.
R
ALTE
mo
to
Au
ed
it
Un
e
th
of
ident
mn
- (Copyright
|
sign
disadvantageous
contracts
which went against the trade union policies of the organization,
placing party policy above their
duties as trade unionists.
“Tt is not a matter of disagree-
ment with someone else’s ideas,”
Reuther summed up, “but of plain”
will
Communists
The
honesty.
only subscribe to the majority
rule if it coincidentally parallels
the party line.”
al.
Ce
|==
F
.
B
U.S.News
& World Report
The United States News
(®)
World
Report ()
WALTER
REUTHER
TELLS
.. What Labor Wants
Reuther,
Head of
UAW (CIO)
|
AN
WHAT
INTERVIEW
President,
United
LABOR
WITH
Automobile,
Head of the CIO Auto Workers, he is a member
of the United Labor Policy Committee, representing most of organized labor, whose decision
you
the
WSB
walkout.
feel confident, Mr.
Reuther,
that we
Q
Do
A
I think that is very true, and that’s why I
are
our
1n
ups
gro
the
all
of
ion
rat
ope
cothe
e
hav
to
ng
goi
economic system for the defense effort?
A I believe that, despite the current and temporary
difficulties we are having, we must of necessity find a
common basis on which the various economic groups
in our society can make their contribution to the successful prosecution of the defense program.
Q Do you feel that in our economic system we are
all dependent on one another?
believe
we will have to find a democratic method of working
out these problems.
Q Has the public understood organized labor’s
viewpoint in the recent discussions?
A I think that consumers generally understand our
position. Of course, the attempt has been made to
make it appear that the present controversy was essentially one over wages, when in truth 90 per-cent of
the wage problem is the lack of effective price control. It is dangerously unrealistic to talk about trying
to stabilize wages at a time when the over-all economy
is not being stabilized and prices continue to rise and
profits are soaring.
Q But couldn’t you start your control that way—
since you have to start someplace, why not start with
labor?
A You've got to take first steps first. But the question is: What ought to be the first step? Wages have
lagged behind prices.
Q Since when?
A Since Korea, wages have lagged behind prices
and profits have moved ahead at a much faster rate
24
WALTER
P. REUTHER
Aircraft & Agricultural Workers of America, CIO
EDITOR’S NOTE: What does labor ask—for the
mobilization period and the longer future? How
deep are the conflicts, of which one evidence was
the recent walkout of the labor members of the
Wage Stabilization Board?
To analyze the situation and discuss the prospects, Walter P. Reuther was invited to the conference rooms of U. S. News & World Report.
caused
WANTS
WALTER PHILIP REUTHER, grandson and son of
labor leaders, was 15 when he became an apprentice tool and die maker. Night school and a working tour of the world featured his twenties.
In 1935 he began organizing the Auto Workers,
and has since 1946 been president of the union—
world’s
largest,
with
1,300,000
members.
A leader of the “right wing” in the labor movement, Mr. Reuther in 1941 suggested mass production of airplanes by the auto industry, and
often engages in discussions of operating plans in
industry. He is 43 years old.
than wages. Increased profits are certainly more responsible than wages for the rise in prices. No one
can argue with very much logic that wages in the auto
industry have precipitated the price movement. We
received a 5-cents-per-hour cost-of-living wage increase in the first week of September, 1950. The costof-living adjustment merely reflected the fact that
90 days before that date prices had increased sufficiently to justify a 5-cent wage increase. In December, 1950, we received another 3 cents in wages. Again,
this merely indicated that prices had moved up and
wages were adjusted 90 days behind the price increase. The same thing happened again in March
when we received another 5-cent cost-of-living adjustment. Now, you can’t say that wage increases which
follow 90 days after the movement in the cost-ofliving index are responsible for pushing the index up|
ward.
Q But not all workers are in the auto industry—
and not all are covered by escalator clauses. Some
have gotten direct raises?
A The fact is that the over-all wage movement has
been slower than the price movement.
Q You mean since Korea?
A It is true not only since Korea—it is true in the
period before Korea. There is no question about that.
Now let’s compare the increase in profits with the increase in wages. From 1944, which was a good profit
year and a good wage year, until the last quarter of
1950, the total wage bill increased 26 per cent while
profits went up 97 per cent. The increase in profits
was more than 314 times as great as the increase in
wages.
U. S. NEWS
& WORLD
REPORT
..
Not Wages
Laid to Profits,
Q
and
the
A
Seen
Control
Living-Cost
r,
wa
e
th
ng
ri
du
wn
do
ld
he
re
we
s
it
of
pr
But
wages kept rising. Prices were controlled during
war— _
You talk about profits being held down—GenCorp. last year made $1,811,000,000 before
eral Motors
nt
me
st
ve
in
r
ei
th
on
nt
ce
r
pe
86
de
ma
ey
taxes. Th
before taxes; they made 40 per cent on their investr
fo
s
it
of
pr
in
7
.3
$1
de
ma
ey
th
d
an
s;
xe
ta
r
te
af
nt
me
every dollar they paid in wages.
s?
ge
wa
of
$1
y
er
ev
r
fo
7
.3
$1
of
s
it
Q Prof
A That’s right.
:
s?
xe
ta
r
te
Af
Q
r
te
Af
s.
xe
ta
re
fo
be
id
pa
e
ar
s
ge
wa
s—
xe
ta
re
fo
Be
A
al
ri
te
ma
its
l,
bil
ge
wa
its
id
pa
d
ha
rs
to
Mo
l
ra
Gene
ex
g
in
at
er
op
r
he
ot
all
r
fo
id
pa
d
ha
it
r
te
bill and af
de
ma
ey
th
,
es
iv
ut
ec
ex
of
es
ri
la
sa
g
in
ud
cl
in
penses,
$1.37 in profit for every $1 they paid in wages.
,
ll
we
ty
et
pr
d
di
it
.—
Co
ic
tr
ec
El
l
ra
ne
Ge
e
Take th
r
pe
12
s
wa
50
19
r
fo
l
bil
ry
la
sa
d
an
ge
too. Its total wa
l
ra
ne
Ge
of
s
it
of
pr
e
th
e
il
wh
,
49
19
cent higher than
.
50
19
to
49
19
om
fr
nt
ce
r
pe
38
up
nt
we
Electric
?
ey
th
t
n'
ve
ha
,
up
ne
go
ve
ha
gs
in
rn
ea
ly
Q But week
er
ng
lo
a
d
an
s
ur
ho
me
ti
er
ov
at
A It is obvious th
work week
increase weekly
The
earnings.
important
er
rk
wo
a
s
ar
ll
do
of
er
mb
nu
e
th
t
no
thing, however, is
he
at
wh
th
wi
y
bu
to
le
ab
is
he
takes home but what
to
ed
re
ag
ve
ha
we
,
ry
st
du
in
to
au
e
th
takes home. In
ng
vi
li
f-o
st
co
e
th
in
nt
me
ve
mo
e
gear our wages to th
at
th
,
od
ri
pe
rea
-y
10
a
er
ov
d,
ne
ar
le
- index because we
ur
ho
r
pe
s
nt
ce
66
y
el
at
im
ox
pr
ap
auto workers gained
ur
ho
rpe
snt
ce
6a
ly
on
de
ma
t
bu
s
ge
wa
in money
er
mb
me
r
ou
y
wh
is
at
Th
r.
we
po
ng
si
ha
gain in purc
ng
vi
li
f-o
st
co
e
th
of
e
pl
ci
in
pr
e
th
ed
ship has accept
me
ti
d
an
me
ti
at
th
d
un
fo
we
e
us
ca
be
,
se
au
cl
escalator
at
th
s
el
ck
ni
en
od
wo
n
wi
to
ng
ti
gh
fi
again we were
e.
or
st
y
er
oc
gr
e
th
at
ng
hi
yt
an
y
bu
wouldn’t
to
is
y
et
ci
so
ee
fr
r
ou
of
m
le
ob
l
pr
ta
en
am
nd
The fu
be
e
nc
la
ba
a
g
in
ev
hi
ac
of
s
an
me
ic
at
cr
mo
de
a
nd
fi
r
ou
d
an
th
al
we
d
se
ea
cr
in
te
ea
cr
to
y
it
il
ab
r
ou
n
twee
r
he
ot
In
.
th
al
we
d
se
ea
cr
in
at
th
e
um
ns
co
ability to
words, we must achieve a balance between prodyctive
un
t
es
gg
bi
e
th
is
at
Th
r.
we
po
ng
si
ha
rc
pu
d
an
r
we
po
solved problem that free men have.
Why Labor Quit the Board
Q@ Hasn’t
the
defense
formula?
organization
What
is
the
accepted
your
objection
of
cost-of-living
labor?
h
ic
wh
r
de
or
d
ar
Bo
n
io
at
iz
il
ab
St
A The Wage
es
lv
se
em
th
te
ia
oc
ss
sa
di
to
s
er
mb
me
r
bo
la
caused the
e
th
of
n
io
at
er
op
r
fo
e
id
ov
pr
t
no
d
di
d
ar
Bo
e
th
from
ge
wa
al
nu
an
e
th
r
no
se
au
cl
r
to
la
ca
es
ng
vi
cost-of-li
c
mi
no
co
[E
on
st
hn
Jo
ic
Er
.
Mr
.
se
au
cl
t
improvemen
ad
Subsidies
. Food
Rise
. . . Price
Need
First
as
Favored
Stabilization Administrator] found it necessary to is-.
sue a special order approving the escalator clause.
The annual wage-improvement clause has as yet not
been resolved, although I am certain that it will be
approved in advance of the effective date, which is
June 1, 1951. Mr. Johnston’s approval of the escaclause
lator
is
only
effective
June
until
30,
is the date the Defense Production Act exThe status of the escalator clause and the im-
which
pires.
provement clause beyond that date is unsettled.
feel
there
is no
disturbing that.
Q
this
1951,
You
the
sound,
moral
or
don’t think, Mr. Reuther,
escalator
clauses
are
economic
:
basis
We
for
that at a time like
built-in
inflation?
A No—for the simple reason as I have stated:
Wage adjustments that result from the operation of
the cost-of-living clauses lag 90 days behind the
movement in the price index.
,
Q Do you object to farm parity?
A No. Weare in favor of farmers’ receiving parity.
We believe that the basic problem must be met by
food subsidies. Experience in the last war demonstrated clearly that subsidies are the most effective
way of breaking the chain reaction in the movement
between farm prices and industrial prices. Unless the
inflationary chain reaction is broken, farm prices will
never reach parity and wages will never catch up with
the cost of living.
Biggest Consumer:
Government
Q We were told, though, that a subsidy on meat
alone would cost 6 billion dollars—
A I don’t think that is a correct figure. Experience
in the last war showed that for every dollar you put
into a subsidy program you saved five dollars at the
consumer end. When you talk about the consumer,
you are not only talking about the housewife—you
are also talking about the Government, because the
Government in a period of mobilization is the biggest
consumer of all.
Q They had that subsidy in the last war, didn’t
—
they?
A Yes—and it worked very successfully. Farmers
have a lot of factors in their production processes
over which they have no control—such as weather,
etc. Subsidies are the best means of protecting the
consumer against higher prices while at the same
time giving farmers fair prices that will assure maximum production of foodstuffs and fibers needed to
é
|
make our economy strong.
Q Where you have taken a cut on the basis of this
cost-of-living index, hasn’t it been a short-lived cut
and more than been made up for by the next in-
$<... n . aa———o
APRIL 6, 1951
25
. . » ‘America
needs
a board
of directors
crease? Haven't you had only two cases where you’ve
taken a cut?
A We took a cut during the period when unemployment was on the increase and economic activity
was tapering off. It is true that this didn’t last too
long because before we knew it we were in the Korean
emergency and all the pressures which were pushing
the index down were reversed and resulted in an upward movement of the cost-of-living index.
For an Over-All
Board
Q In an un-co-ordinated society like ours how can
you get a stabilized dollar for everybody?
A I think we all appreciate the fact that trying to
control economic forces in a free economy is a very
difficult and very complex job. That’s why I believe
that in setting up this mobilization program, we
should not rely on any one superman, because no
one man—no matter how well-intentioned he may be,
no matter what his background—no one man knows
the answers to all these complex problems. We agree,
of course, that one man must be in charge of the administrative aspects of the program. We do not advocate the kind of two-headed animal we had under
OPM [Office of Production Management, in World
War II]. We do not think that is efficient. We favor
concentrating the administrative responsibility in
one person. We believe the fundamental weakness of
the present situation is the fact that the person doing
the administrative job is also doing the policy job.
What is needed in Washington in this emergency is
an over-all mobilization policy board on which business,
both
large
and
small,
farmers,
labor
and
the
public are all equally represented.
Q Hasn’t President Truman done that—hasn’t he
applied that kind of principle?
A He’s issued an order setting up an advisory board
of some kind—nobody really knows what it is.
Q Could Charles E. Wilson, Director of the Office
of Defense Mobilization, be on this policy committee?
‘We don’t want to get rich’
26
‘The WSB
for mobilization’
A Yes—he could even be chairman.
Q In our interview two weeks ago with Mr. Wilson, he said almost your words—he said he has in
mind the appointing of an over-all policy committee.
Is that about your idea?
A Mr. Wilson is suggesting an advisory committee
of some kind. I suppose what he has in mind is that
he will have an advisory committee for agriculture,
one for labor, one for industry,
and he will call them
in when he has a problem on which
sult them.
he wants to con-.
Deciding Basic Policy
Q No, he speaks of an over-all advisory group—
A What I am proposing is not an advisory committee. I’m proposing a policy board—it functions in
exactly the same way as a board of directors in a
corporation. Mr. Wilson was the head of the General
Electric Co. But when they had a basic policy question, whether to expand plant capacity, to move into
a new field of activity or some other basic policy decision, Mr. Wilson, as president of the General Electric Co., did not make such decisions by himself. Such
decisions undoubtedly were made by the board of
directors.
|
The complex problems of war mobilization and applying controls in a free economy are infinitely more
dificult and complex than any problem that the
board of directors of the General Electric Co. ever
took on. Just as General Electric has a board of directors to handle its basic policy problems, I think
America needs a board of directors to handle the far
more difficult and complicated problems of the defense mobilization.
Q Would that require a change in the statute?
A No. The President under the Defense Production Act has authority to create the machinery needed
to implement the purposes of the Act.
Q Then this group that you speak of would have to
go back, anyway, to the President for approval?
needs a disputes section’
‘Quality controls are necessary’
U. S. NEWS
& WORLD
REPORT
. . » ‘Twelve
minds
could
give
better
A The President can delegate the same authority to
such a mobilization policy board as he has delegated
to Mr. Wilson. Mr. Wilson could retain the administrative authority but not the sole power to make
policy. In other words, I propose separating the two
functions. Certainly whoever is the head of the administrative end of the mobilization program ought to sit
on the policy board, either as a member or as the
chairman. But, once the policy board has made a decision, he would be responsible for carrying it out.
Q How does that differ from what we had in World
War II?
A We went through many stages in World War II.
But we never had the kind of over-all policy board
that I am proposing. We need this kind of board today more than ever because the problems that we face
now are more difficult than the kind of problems we
faced when we were in total conversion and total
mobilization. We are dealing now with the complex
problem of superimposing large-scale defense production on a civilian economy in which man power
and plant capacity is almost fully employed.
Applying
Democracy
When we’re talking about defending democracy in
the world, we’ve got to apply it. No one can challenge
the validity or the soundness of the fact that, if we
could draw into a top mobilization policy board the
best minds from every important economic group in
America, they could collectively give better leadership to policy questions than any one man can give,
whoever he may be.
Q Would everybody have to abide by a majority
decision in that kind of plan?
A Certainly.
Q What if you couldn’t get agreement, as you
didn’t get it on the Wage Stabilization Board?
A If you get top men who have real appreciation
of what our basic problems are, you will find that on
important policy questions they can sweat out, by the
‘I’m in favor of farm parity’
een
mne
aera
APRIL 6, 1951
leadership
than
one
man’
process of give and take, a common program—they
will find a common denominator around which they
can work.
If an occasion arises where
that isn’t true,
then, of course, the majority has to decide.
‘Expedient’ vs. ‘Right’
In the case of the Wage Stabilization Board, they
were doing the thing that was expedient and not the
thing that was right. Instead of evaluating all the
economic factors of the present situation and then
trying to project a wage policy to meet those factors,
the public and industry members came up with a 9 per
cent figure which was completely arbitrary. They
thought 9 per cent would cover the escalator clauses.
In the morning they had a 9 per cent figure. In
the evening they had a 10 per cent figure. The
only reason they went from 9 to 10 per cent was
they found the 9 per cent wouldn’t cover the General Motors escalator clause and some of the other
escalator
clauses.
Then
when
the
BLS
[Bureau
of
Labor Statistics] index was issued they found that
10 per cent wouldn’t do it and Mr. Eric Johnston
had to issue a new order.
No such maneuvering based upon expediency provides a sound basis for wage stabilization. It is impractical, unworkable and unjust to attempt to stabilize wages without first controlling the cost of
living.
Any such stabilization program must permit the
adjustment of wage inequities. The present 10 per
cent wage freeze permits a $100,000 executive to receive a $10,000 increase but does not permit a worker
receiving 50 cents per hour to receive a 6-cents-perhour increase. Under the Wage Stabilization Board’s
policy, the $10,000 increase is noninflationary while
the 6 cents per hour is inflationary.
Q How many would be on that policy board?
A I’d say 2 or 3 from each group, 8 or 12 people
altogether.
Q Would those people be on the pay roll of the in-
‘Repeal split-income provision’
SS
hotos:
O Halloran
arris
wing
‘I’m not in favor of nationalization’
SSeS
sss
af
. . » ‘Housewife
recognizes
price
dividual groups or be Government officials
ciated from their respective groups?
A
If they were required
freeze
disasso-
to serve full time, then
I
think they should go on the Government pay roll.
Q Wouldn’t you be better off to have a public
group without the fellows that have connections?
A The purpose of having industry, labor, farmers _
and the public is to be able to draw upon the specialized experience of each group. Each group, having a
different background and different point of view, has
a unique contribution to make. What we need is the
pooling,-the blending of these various points of view
to give us unity of purpose and action. An all-public
group would lack a lot of experience that industry,
agriculture and labor would bring to the policy board.
Q Did you plan on trading between the groups to
get the best agreement?
A I do not consider this a matter where you are
going to bargain.
Q Can labor members of that board act independently, or are they going to have to follow the policy
laid down by those making the policy?
A
I served
Commission,
in the last war
which
within
power was similar to what
on the
the
War
limited
Manpower
field
I am proposing.
of
man
Success of Manpower Group
Q Nowadays,
however,
the
United
Labor
Policy
Committee has forced all the labor representatives in
the Government to get off the various defense agencies. How are you going to stop that in your kind of
setup?
A Experience in the War Manpower Commission
proved that labor, management and agriculture were
able to think through the basic issues and come up
with agreement
zation problems.
on sound policies relating to mobili-
The Wage Stabilization Board was
operating on the basis of expediency and attempted to
control wages rigidly at a time when prices and profits
were not effectively controlled. Every housewife recognizes the so-called price freeze as a fraud.
The price of Cadillacs was rolled back and the price
of scrap iron was cut $10 per ton, but the cost of food,
clothing and other necessities continued to rise.
These are the facts that precipitated the crisis in the
Wage Stabilization Board.
Q Do you think that the problem of wages has a
relationship to the problem of profits?
A You cannot talk about wages without talking
about profits. And you cannot talk about prices without talking about wages and profits.
Q What about the fellow who is making no profits
—should he pay lower wages then? Aren't there lots
of companies where they don’t have any profits and
where they can’t cut wages—
A The facts are that the profits of American cor-
porations are at an all-time high, running at a rate of
48 billion dollars a year before taxes, or double the
28
as fraud’
record profits of the war years.
Q
But, as a principle, do you
Q
In other words, you
think organized labor
would favor lower wage scales In companies where
they are not making profits?
A Organized labor is not prepared to subsidize inefficient companies through low wages.
take the position
an industry loses money, that’s
don’t take the position that it may
up above with the big monopoly
to the wall? Under the antitrust
some
monopolies,
but we
that when
inefficiency?
You
be the competitor
that’s forcing him
laws we prosecute
don’t get
them
all.
Now
what would organized labor do on that? Would it
favor strict enforcement?
A Monopolies do not often drive prices down and
put competitors out of business. Most of the time they
hold prices up by creating economic scarcity. They
operate on the basis of restricted output that yields
high prices and high profits.
How
Q
But
you've
got
Profits Have
a big,
r\
Risen
concerted
movement
to
raise the costs through high wage levels in some in-
dustries, and the result is the higher-cost fellow has °
got to meet that price or go out of business, doesn’t
he?
A The fact remains that the total wage bill of all
business, both large and small, has gone up 26 per
cent since 1944 while corporation profits in that same
period have gone up 97 per cent. The National City
Bank reports that 1,000 leading corporations averaged
an increase in profits, after taxes, of more than 35 per
cent from 1949 to .1950.
Q But people are said to have too much money to
spend—wages are very high now, aren’t they?
A This idea that the little people have too much
wages and too much spending power and are creating inflation is the theory that the Federal Reserve
Board used when it issued Regulations K and W.
They were designed to price low-income families out
of the market for homes and other consumer durable
goods.
This is a form of rationing based upon ability to
pay rather than upon need. The real source of infla_tionary pressure is not the wages in the average family pay check. The upper 10 per cent of American
families with highest incomes spend almost as much
as the lower 50 per cent of American families all together. While the Federal Reserve Board was pricing
these low-income families out of the market with its
consumer-credit regulations, it was not doing a thing
to check the bank loans to business which were increasing four times as fast as the loans to consumers.
Q Isn't your point really that a lot of controls are
imposed unevenly under our setup and you would
have simultaneously imposed controls?
A That’s precisely the point. If you’re going to control inflation you've got to use all of the tools that we
U. S. NEWS
& WORLD
REPORT
.
. . » ‘Stop
speculation
and
profiteering’
possess. That means, No. 1, you’ve got to have price
control, rigid price control. That means you’ve got to
have quality control, too, because when you control
the price of goods and don’t control the quality you’re
only dealing with half the problem.
Q How would you control the quality?
A We must protect the consumer by having specifications and quality standards in the price regulations.
Under such regulations where a ceiling price of $15
had been established on a child’s coat, with a quality
standard of 80 per cent wool and 20 per cent cotton,
the manufacturer would be prohibited from cutting
the wool content to 60 per cent unless he made a cor-
responding reduction in the price. The actual cost of
a pair of boy’s shoes with a ceiling price of $6 is in
fact raised to $12 if the quality is reduced so that
the shoes wear only half as long.
When you get into canned goods, quality standards
are even more important because the average housewife does not have X-ray eyes with which to see
through the can and examine its contents before she
makes a purchase. Unless the price regulation is tied
to quality, she will find herself paying grade A prices
for grade C canned goods.
Q Wouldn't you have to control meticulously every
segment of your economic system to put this into
effect?
A You’ve got to have price control and quality control. You would also require the posting of dollarsand-cents ceiling prices in place of the present system
under which each retailer has his own markups and
prices.
We also need credit controls and rent control. We
need to control trading in the commodity exchanges
in order to stop speculation and profiteering, which
are economically and morally indefensible.
Wisdom of 12 Men
Q Do you think 12 men sitting as a policy group
can handle all those problems?
A I think 12 men can do a better job than one man
because I'll trust the wisdom of 12 men—that’s why
we have a democracy. I don’t think any one man is
equal to this task. I don’t care whether he comes from
industry, labor, agriculture or from some university.
Q Do you think these 12 men would agree?
A I think that they can work out policy. I was trying to say earlier—the War Manpower Commission
had an equal number of industry representatives, labor representatives, agricultural representatives, and
a public chairman—and we worked out a practical
man-power program, and we didn’t get in there and
bargain with each other. We all recognized that there
was a national interest that transcended the interest
of the groups participating.
Q
You knew
man power, but you couldn’t delegate
to that group from Jabor and agriculture the knowledge of how to operate the credit controls of America
APRIL 6, 1951
and let them be the court of last resort, could you?
A But you could certainly bring in experts—that’s
how we did on man power. This top policy board
would bring in the best of the authorities in the
country on credit.
Q Why can’t this committee report to Mr. Wilson,
and Mr. Wilson report to the President?
A Then you have Mr. Wilson above the policy
board, and supposing he says, “Well, gentlemen,
you’re unanimous, but I disagree.” Then where do
you go?
Identifying Policy
Q
You
your point that the chief, the one un-
made
der your policy board, is to have complete administrative authority. Now who decides what’s policy and
what’s administrative power?
A Everybody who knows anything about running a
big organization knows there are distinct differences
between policy decisions and administrative decisions. And I’m saying that that line of demarcation
can be drawn
without
any
confusion
because,
when
you’re pounding out basic policy decisions, everybody knows what you’re talking about.
Q What if the President doesn’t approve of a policy board and leaves Mr. Wilson in his position?
A Then you haven’t got what I am proposing. I’m
stating what in my judgment represents the most in-
telligent, the most constructive and the most effective
approach. I’m not trying to speculate on what someone might do.
Q Is this your organization’s proposal?
A I’m not speaking here for the United Labor Policy Committee. I’m saying that if I were asked the
question how America or a free people can best get on
with the job of mobilizing their material resources
and their human resources and tapping the spiritual
power that they have, I would say that this kind of
machinery lends itself better to the achievement of
that task than the one-man setup that we now have.
Q That is your personal view, then?
A That’s right.
Q But don’t labor and business and agriculture
think that this 1s a near-war rather than an actual
war? That it’s a get-rich-quick period?
A That isn’t true so far as labor is concerned because the policy statement of the United Labor Policy Committee said very clearly and unequivocally
that we are in favor of and are prepared to accept a
program of wage stabilization. But we said that wage
stabilization had to be a part of a total over-all program. Now, you can’t say that we’re trying to get
rich—we
don’t
want
to
get
rich—but
we
are
not
willing to have our wages frozen and everything else
going sky high.
Q If you did get this committee, would you then
have a no-strike pledge given by labor?
A The question of strikes is one that will take
29
.. » ‘Avoid
strikes
by removing
care of itself if you work out a sound and equitable
policy. Talk about a no-strike pledge in the light
of the facts, with prices and profits skyrocketing,
is dangerously unrealistic.
Q I meant after this commission had been put
into operation, would you then have a no-strike
pledge to keep equality of sacrifice?
A I’m for a disputes section in the Wage Stabilization Board. If you have an economic program
that reflects equity for everybody—nobody getting
rich at the other fellow’s expense—if you have control of the economy so that wages-prices-profits
have a reasonable and defensible economic and
moral relationship, then strikes are not going to be
a problem.
Justice: Key to Stability
Q
But
if they
were,
and
somebody
did
strike,
what would you do?
A A disputes section will not provide a positive
guarantee against strikes, but such an agency will
reduce strikes to a minimum because both parties
are afforded opportunity to present their sides of
the dispute and to get a decision by a board composed of people who understand both points of
view. As a practical matter we need to deal not
with how you settle strikes but rather with how
you avoid strikes by removing their causes. If
workers feel that they are getting justice, you will
have no strikes. On the other hand, if they feel they
are being denied justice, you will have strikes regardless of a no-strike pledge. In a police state,
it is possible to achieve industrial stability without
justice. In a free society, however, industrial stability is possible only if it rests upon a foundation
of economic and social justice.
Q But economic justice is a very abstract term
and labor’s definition of that differs from others.
If you can only have peace by accepting one fellow’s definition of justice, how can you have justice?
A That’s what Mr. Wilson is proposing—he’s
proposing peace on his terms. No one person
should be permitted to decide issues which affect
the lives of all the people.
Q Would you be satished with another “one
man” if he came from a labor union?
A No. Absolutely not. I said before, whether he
came from labor, industry, agriculture or from a
college, that no one superman in America is capable of meeting the complex problems involved in
this mobilization program.
Q
Now,
as to collecting more
taxes, as you
pro-
pose, from the higher income groups, if you don’t
intend
to confiscate
all income
above
$10,000, how
could you collect enough taxes?
A Well, let’s take corporations. The present excess-profits tax yields less than 3 billion dollars.
(Reprinted
from
“U.
S.
News
&
World
Report,’
an
independent
their
causes’
We believe that, out of current corporation profits,
a realistic and equitable excess-profits tax ought to
yield somewhere between 8 and 10 billion. We
think that represents the fair share of the total tax
load which corporations ought to carry. We also
believe that the loopholes in the tax law ought to
be plugged.
Q Would you repeal income splitting whereby
a husband and wife can make a joint return?
A Yes, they ought to repeal the split-income
provision because it allows well-to-do families to
escape paying billions of dollars in taxes.
Q Would you say whether you are satisfied with
the present political parties?
A I have said for a long time what we really need
in America is a fundamental realignment of political forces so that political parties stand for definite concepts of government and economics. At
present each major political party is a hodgepodge
of incompatible economic, social and _ political
groups—neither party having a sense of moral responsibility or the organizational discipline to
carry out the programs and platforms on which
they seek the support of the people.
Nationalization
Opposed
Q What about nationalization? Would you favor
that for this country?
A I am not in favor of nationalization. I am opposed to monopoly and economic scarcity. Too
often American industry is neither free nor enterprising.
When private industry refuses to expand productive capacity to meet the needs of our nation, I
favor the Government as the agency of the people
taking what steps are necessary to see that economic deficits are met. The steel industry is a case
in point. Following Pearl Harbor and once again
in the present emergency, the people of America
are paying the price of the steel industry’s refusal
to expand. We cannot tolerate any private economic decisions which threaten the security of our
nation and which jeopardize our economic future.
I am for ending artificial restrictions on production because I believe in an economy of abundance.
Q What if we get a great deflation?
A If we are to make freedom secure in the world
free men must learn how to organize their economic life so as to achieve full employment, full
production and full distribution, uninterrupted by
deflations and degression. America must prove to
the world that it is possible to achieve a full measure of economic security without sacrificing political or spiritual freedom. We must prove to the
world that we can mobilize our economic resources
and our productive power for making the good
things of life in peace as we have demonstrated
our capacity to forge the weapons of war.
weekly magazine on national and
U. 8. News Publishing Oorp.)
international
affairs,
published
at Washington.
Oopyright
1951
WHAT
AN
LABOR
INTERVIEW
WITH
WANTS
WALTER
P. REUTHER
President, United Automobile, Aircraft and Agricultural Workers
of America, ClO
om,
Reprinted
from
"U.S.News & World
Report’
Washington
(Copyright
1951,
by U.S. News
Publishing Corporation)
WHAT
AN
LABOR
INTERVIEW WITH
WANTS
WALTER
P. REUTHER
President, United Automobile, Aircraft and Agricultural Workers of America, CIO
EDITOR’S NOTE: What does labor ask—for the
mobilization period and the longer future? How
deep are the conflicts, of which one evidence was
the recent walkout of the labor members of the
Wage Stabilization Board?
To analyze the situation and discuss the prospects,
Walter
P.
Reuther
was
invited
to
the
con-.
ference rooms of U.S. News & World Report.
Head of the CIO Auto Workers, he is a member
of the United Labor Policy Committee, representing most of organized labor, whose decision
caused the WSB walkout.
WALTER PHILIP REUTHER, grandson and son of
labor leaders, was 15 when he became an apprentice tool and die maker. Night school and a working tour of the world featured his twenties.
In 1935 he began organizing the Auto Workers,
and has since 1946 been president of the union—
world’s largest, with 1,300,000 members.
A leader of the “right wing” in the labor movement, Mr. Reuther in 1941 suggested mass production of airplanes by the auto industry, and
often engages in discussions of operating plans in
industry. He is 43 years old.
PPP
OO
222
OPPO
ODO
ODO
ODO
Oooo”
_—2 FZ
Q Do you feel confident, Mr. Reuther, that we are
going to have the co-operation of all the groups in our
economic system for the defense effort?
A I believe that, despite the current and temporary
difficulties we are having, we must of necessity find a
common basis on which the various economic groups
in our society can make their contribution to the successful prosecution of the defense program.
Q Do you feel that in our economic system we are
all dependent on one another?
;
A I think that is very true, and that’s why I believe
we will have to find a democratic method of working
out these problems.
Q Has the public understood organized labor’s
view point in the recent discussions?
|
A I think that consumers generally understand our
position. Of course, the attempt has been made to
make it appear that the present controversy was essentially one over wages, when in truth 90 per cent of
the wage problem is the lack of effective price :Control.
It is dangerously unrealistic to talk about trying to
stabilize wages at a time when the over-all economy is
not being stabilized and prices continue to rise and
profits are soaring.
Q But couldn’t you start your control that way—
since you have to start someplace, why not start with
labor?
?
A You’ve got to take first steps first. But the question is: What ought to be the first step? Wages have
lagged behind prices.
Q Since when?
A Since Korea, wages have lagged behind prices
and profits have moved ahead at a much faster rate
24
than wages. Increased profits are certainly more responsible than wages for the rise in prices. No one
can argue with very much logic that wages in the auto
industry have precipitated the price movement. We
received a 5-cents-per-hour cost-of-living wage increase in the first week of September, 1950. The costof-living adjustment merely reflected the fact that
90 days before that date prices had increased suf-
ficiently to justify a 5-cent wage increase. In Decem-
ber, 1950, we received another 3 cents in wages. Again,
this merely indicated that prices had moved up and
wages were adjusted 90 days behind the price increase. The same thing happened again in March
when we received another 5-cent cost-of-living adjustment. Now, you can’t say that wage increases which
follow 90 days after the movement in the cost-ofliving index are responsible for pushing the index upward.
Q But not all workers are in the auto industry—
and not all are covered by escalator clauses. Some
have gotten direct raises?
A The fact is that the over-all wage movement has
been slower than the price movement.
Q You mean since Korea?
A It is true not only since Korea—it is true in the
period before Korea. There is no question about that.
Now let’s compare the increase in profits with the increase in wages. From 1944, which was a good profit
year
and
a good
wage
year,
until
the
last quarter
of
1950, the total wage bill increased 26 per cent while
profits went up 97 per cent. The increase in profits
was more
wages.
than 314 times as great as the increase in
U.S. NEWS & WORLD
REPORT
Living-Cost
Seen
Control
as First Need
Food
.
.
.
s
e
g
a
W
t
No
s,
it
of
Pr
to
Laid
Q
But
profits
were
held
down
kept rising. Prices were
and wages
the war—
A You talk
during
the
controlled
war,
during
about profits being held down—Gen0
.0
00
,0
00
,0
11
,8
$1
de
ma
ar
ye
st
la
.
rp
Co
eral Motors
st
ve
in
r
ei
th
on
nt
ce
r
pe
86
de
ma
ey
Th
s.
xe
before ta
in
r
ei
th
on
nt
ce
r
pe
40
de
ma
ey
th
s;
xe
ta
re
ment befo
s
it
of
pr
in
7
.3
$1
de
ma
ey
th
d
an
s;
xe
ta
r
te
af
vestment
for every dollar they paid in wages.
s?
ge
wa
of
$1
y
er
ev
r
fo
7
.3
$1
of
s
it
Q Prof
A That’s right.
Q After taxes?
r
te
Af
s.
xe
ta
re
fo
be
id
pa
e
ar
s
ge
wa
s—
A Before taxe
al
ri
te
ma
its
,
ll
bi
ge
wa
its
id
pa
d
ha
rs
General Moto
ex
g
in
at
er
op
r
he
ot
all
r
fo
id
pa
d
ha
it
r
te
bill and af
de
ma
ey
th
,
es
iv
ut
ec
ex
of
es
ri
la
sa
g
in
ud
penses, incl
s.
ge
wa
in
id
pa
ey
th
$1
y
er
ev
for
it
of
pr
in
7
.3
$1
l,
wel
ty
et
pr
d
di
it
.—
Co
ic
tr
ec
El
l
ra
ne
Ge
the
Take
r
pe
12
s
wa
50
19
for
l
bil
ry
la
sa
d
an
ge
wa
l
ta
too. Its to
l
ra
ne
Ge
of
s
it
of
pr
the
e
il
wh
,
49
19
an
th
cent higher
Electric went up 38 per cent from 1949 to 1950.
Q
?
ey
th
t
n'
ve
ha
,
up
ne
go
ve
ha
gs
in
rn
ea
But weekly
er
ng
lo
a
d
an
s
ur
ho
me
ti
er
ov
at
th
s
ou
A It is obvi
t
an
rt
po
im
e
Th
.
gs
in
rn
ea
ly
ek
we
se
ea
cr
work week in
er
rk
wo
a
s
ar
ll
do
of
er
mb
nu
the
t
no
is
thing, however,
he
at
wh
th
wi
y
bu
to
le
ab
is
he
at
wh
t
bu
me
takes ho
to
ed
re
ag
ve
ha
we
,
ry
st
du
in
to
au
the
In
.
takes home
ng
vi
li
f-o
st
co
e
th
in
nt
me
ve
mo
e
th
to
s
ge
gear our wa
at
th
,
od
ri
pe
rea
-y
10
a
er
ov
d,
ne
ar
le
we
index because
ur
ho
r
pe
s
nt
ce
66
y
el
at
im
ox
pr
ap
ed
in
ga
auto workers
ur
ho
rpe
snt
ce
6a
ly
on
de
ma
t
bu
s
in money wage
y
wh
is
at
Th
r.
we
po
ng
si
ha
rc
pu
in
in
ga
the
of
e
pl
ci
in
pr
the
ed
pt
ce
ac
s
ha
ship
our membercost-of-living
me
ti
d
an
me
ti
at
th
d
un
fo
we
e
us
ca
be
,
se
au
cl
escalator
at
th
s
el
ck
ni
en
od
wo
n
wi
to
ng
ti
gh
fi
re
again we we
re.
sto
y
er
oc
gr
the
at
ng
hi
yt
an
y
bu
’t
dn
ul
wo
to
is
y
et
ci
so
e
fre
r
ou
of
m
le
ob
pr
l
ta
en
am
nd
fu
e
Th
be
e
nc
la
ba
a
g
in
ev
hi
ac
of
s
an
me
ic
at
cr
mo
de
find a
r
ou
d
an
th
al
we
d
se
ea
cr
in
te
ea
cr
to
y
it
il
ab
r
ou
n
twee
r
he
ot
In
.
th
al
we
d
se
ea
cr
in
at
th
e
um
ns
co
to
ability
ve
ti
uc
od
pr
n
ee
tw
be
e
nc
la
ba
a
e
ev
hi
ac
st
mu
words, we
un
t
es
gg
bi
e
th
is
at
Th
r.
we
po
ng
si
ha
rc
power and pu
solved problem that free men have.
Why Labor Quit the Board
ur
yo
ed
pt
ce
ac
on
ti
za
ni
ga
or
e
ns
fe
de
the
’t
sn
Q Ha
r?
bo
la
of
n
io
ct
je
ob
the
is
at
Wh
a?
ul
rm
fo
ng
vi
li
f-o
st
co
h
ic
wh
r
de
or
d
ar
Bo
n
io
at
iz
il
ab
St
ge
Wa
e
Th
A
es
lv
se
em
th
te
ia
oc
ss
sa
di
to
s
er
mb
me
r
bo
la
caused the
from the Board did not provide for operation of the
ge
wa
al
nu
an
the
nor
se
au
cl
r
to
la
ca
es
ng
vi
li
f-o
st
co
c
mi
no
co
[E
on
st
hn
Jo
c
Eri
.
Mr
.
use
cla
t
en
em
ov
pr
im
isto
y
ar
ss
ce
ne
it
d
un
fo
r]
to
ra
st
ni
mi
Ad
n
io
at
Stabiliz
i
APRIL
6,
1951
.. . Price
Subsidies
Rise
Favored
sue a special order approving the escalator clause.
The annual wage-improvement clause has as yet not
been resolved, although I am certain that it will be
approved in advance of the effective date, which is
June 1, 1951. Mr. Johnston’s approval of the escalator
clause
is
effective
only
until
June
30,
1951,
which is the date the Defense Production Act expires. The status of the escalator clause and the improvement clause beyond that date is unsettled. We
feel there is no sound, moral or economic basis for
disturbing that.
Q You don’t think, Mr. Reuther, that at a time like
this the escalator clauses are built-in inflation?
A No—for the simple reason as I have stated: Wage
adjustments that result from the operation of the costof-living clauses lag 90 days behind the movement
|
in the price index.
Q Do you object to farm parity?
A No. We are in favor of farmers’ receiving parity.
We believe that the basic problem must be met by
food subsidies. Experience in the last war demon-
strated
clearly that subsidies
are the most
effective
way of breaking the chain reaction in the movement
ketween ‘farm prices and industrial prices. Unless the
inflationary chain reaction is broken, farm prices will
never reach parity and wages will never catch up with
the cost of living.
Biggest Consumer: Government
Q We were told, though, that a subsidy on meat
alone would cost 6 billion dollars—
A I don’t think that is a correct figure. Experience
in the last war showed that for every dollar you put
into a subsidy program you saved five dollars at the
consumer end. When you talk about the consumer,
you are not only talking about the housewife—you are
also talking about the Government, because the Government in a period of mobilization is the biggest con-.
sumer of all.
't
didr
war,
last
the
in
idy
subs
that
had
They
Q
they?
A Yes—and it worked very successfully. Farmers
have a lot of factors in their production processes
over which they have no control—such as weather,
etc. Subsidies are the best means of protecting the
consumer against higher prices while at the same time
giving farmers fair prices that will assure maximum
production of foodstuffs and fibers needed to make
our economy
strong.
Q Where you have taken a cut on the basis of this
cost-of-living index, hasn’t it been a short-lived cut
and more than been made up for by the next 1n(Continued on page 26)
25
..-
‘America
crease? Haven't
taken a cut?
you
needs
had only
a board
of directors for mobilization’
two cases where you've
A We took a cut during the period when unemployment was on the increase and economic activity was
tapering off. It is true that this didn’t last too long because before we knew it we were in the Korean emergency and all the pressures which were pushing the
index down were reversed and resulted in an upward
movement of the cost-of-living index.
For an Over-All Board
Q In an un-co-ordinated society like ours how
can you get a stabilized dollar for everybody?
A I think we all appreciate the fact that trying to
control economic forces in a free economy is a very
difficult and very complex job. That’s why I believe
that in setting up this mobilization program, we
should not rely on any one superman, because no
one man—no matter how well-intentioned he may be,
no matter what his background—no one man knows
the answers to all these complex problems. We agree,
of course, that one man must be in charge of the administrative aspects of the program. We do not advocate the kind of two-headed animal we had under
OPM [Office of Production Management, in World
War II]. We do not think that is efficient. We favor
concentrating the administrative responsibility in one
person. We believe the fundamental weakness of the
present situation is the fact that the person doing the
administrative job is also doing the policy job. What
is needed in Washington in this emergency is an overall mobilization policy board on which business, both
large and small, farmers, labor and the public are all
equally represented.
Q Hasn’t President Truman done that—hasn’t he
applied that kind of principle?
A He’s issued an order setting up an advisory board
of some kind—nobody really knows what it is.
Q
Could
Charles
E. Wilson,
Director of the Office
of Defense Mobilization, be on this policy committee?
“‘We don’t want to get rich’’
26
‘‘The WSB
needs
A Yes—he could even be chairman.
Q In our interview two weeks ago with Mr. Wilson,
he said almost your words—he said he has in mind the
appointing of an over-all policy committee. Is that
about your idea?
|
A Mr. Wilson is suggesting an advisory committee
of some kind. I suppose what he has in mind is that
he will have an advisory committee for agriculture,
one for labor, one for industry, and he will call them
in when he has a problem on which he wants to consult them.
Q
No,
Deciding Basic Policy
he speaks
of an over-all advisory
group—
A What I am proposing is not an advisory committee. I’m proposing a policy board—it functions in
exactly the same way as a board of directors in a
corporation. Mr. Wilson was the head of the General
Electric Co. But when they had a basic policy question, whether to expand plant capacity, to move into
a new field of activity or some other basic policy decision, Mr. Wilson, as president of the General Electric Co., did not make such decisions by himself. Such
decisions undoubtedly were made by the board of directors.
The complex problems of war mobilization and applying controls in a free economy are infinitely more
difficult and complex than any problem that the
board of directors of the General Electric Co., ever
took on. Just as General Electric has a board of directors to handle its basic policy problems, I think
America needs a board of directors to handle the far
more difficult and complicated problems of the defense mobilization.
Q Would that require a change in the statute?
A No. The President under the Defense Production
Act has authority to create the machinery needed to
implement the purposes of the Act.
Q
Then this group that you speak of would have to
80 back, anyway, to the President for approval?
a disputes. section”’
“Quality controls are necessary”
U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT
- « - ‘Twelve
minds could give better leadership than one man’
A The President can delegate the same authority to
such a mobilization policy board as he has delegated
to Mr. Wilson. Mr. Wilson could retain the administrative authority but not the sole power to make
policy. In other words, I propose-separating the two
functions. Certainly whoever is the head of the administrative end of the mobilization program ought to sit
on the policy board, either as a member or as the
chairman. But, once the policy board has made a decision, he would be responsible for carrying it out.
Q How does that differ from what we had in World
War II?
A We went through many stages in World War II.
But we never had the kind of over-all policy board
that I am proposing. We need this kind of board today
more than ever because the problems that we face now
are more difficult than the kind of problems we faced
when we were in total conversion and total mobilization. We are dealing now with the complex problem
of superimposing large-scale defense production on a
civilian economy in which man power and plant capacity is almost fully employed.
Applying Democracy
When we’re talking about defending democracy in
the world, we’ve got to apply it. No one can challenge
the validity or the soundness of the fact that, if we
could draw into a top mobilization policy board the
best minds from every important economic group in
America, they could collectively give better leadership to policy questions than any one man can give,
whoever he may be.
Q Would everybody have to abide by a majority
decision in that kind of plan?
A Certainly.
Q What if you couldn't get agreement, as you didn’t
get it on the Wage Stabilization Board?
A If you get top men who have real appreciation
of what our basic problems are, you will find that on
important policy questions they can sweat out, by the
ae
m in favor of farm parity’
‘Repeal
process of give and
will find a common
can work.
then,
take, a common program—they
denominator around which they
If an occasion
of course,
arises where
the majority
that isn’t true,
has to decide.
‘Expedient’ vs. ‘Right’
In the case of the Wage Stabilization Board, they
were doing the thing that was expedient and not the
thing that was right. Instead of evaluating all the
economic factors of the present situation and then
trying to project a wage policy to meet those factors,
the public and industry members came up with a 9 per
cent_figure which was completely arbitrary. They
thought 9 per cent would cover the escalator clauses.
In the morning they had a 9 per cent figure. In the
evening they had a 10 per cent figure. The only reason
they went from 9 to 10 per cent was they found the 9
per cent wouldn’t cover the General Motors escalator
clause and some of the other escalator clauses. Then
when the BLS [Bureau of Labor Statistics] index was
issued they found that 10 per cent wouldn’t do it and
Mr. Eric Johnston had to issue a new order.
No such maneuvering based upon expediency provides a sound basis for wage stabilization. It is impractical, unworkable and unjust to attempt to stabilize wages without first controlling the cost of
living.
Any such stabilization program must permit the
adjustment of wage inequities. The present 10 per
cent wage freeze permits a $100,000 executive to receive a $10,000 increase but does not permit a worker
receiving 50 cents per hour to receive a 6-cents-perhour increase. Under the Wage Stabilization Board’s
policy, the $10,000 increase is noninflationary while
the 6 cents per hour is inflationary.
Q How many would be on that policy board?
A I’d say 2 or 3 from each group, 8 or 12 people
altogether.
Q Would those people be on the pay roll of the in-
split-income tax provision’
(Continued
on page
—Photos:
28)
O’Halloran
from
Harris
&
Ewing
‘‘I’m not in favor of nationalization”
ar
APRIL
6,
1951
27
... ‘Housewife
recognizes
price freeze
dividual groups or be Government officials disassociated from their respective groups?
A If they were required to serve full time, then I
think they should go on the Government pay roll.
Q Wouldn’t you be better off to have a public
group without the fellows that have connections?
A The purpose of having industry, labor, farmers
and the public is to be able to draw upon the specialized experience of each group. Each group, having a
different background and different point of view, has
a unique contribution to make. What we need is the
pooling, the blending of these various points of view to
give us unity of purpose and action. An all-public
group would lack a lot of experience that industry, agriculture and labor would bring to the policy board.
Q Did you plan on trading between the groups to
get the best agreement?
A I do not consider this a matter where you are
going to bargain.
Q Can labor members of that board act independently, or are they going to have to follow the policy
laid down
by
those making
the policy?
A I served in the last war on the War Manpower
Commission, which within the limited field of man
power was similar to what I am proposing.
Success of Manpower Group
Q Nowadays, however, the United Labor Policy
Committee has forced all the labor representatives in
the Government to get off the various defense agencies.
How are you going to stop that in your kind of setup?
A Experience in the War Manpower Commission
proved that labor, management and agriculture were
able to think through the basic issues and come up
with agreement on sound policies relating to mobiliza-
tion.problems.
The
Wage
Stabilization
Board
was
operating on the basis of expediency and attempted to
control wages rigidly at a time when prices and profits
were not effectively controlled. Every housewife recognizes the so-called price freeze as a fraud.
The price of Cadillacs was rolled back and the price
of scrap iron was cut $10 per ton, but the cost of food,
clothing and other necessities continued to rise. These
are the facts that precipitated the crisis in the Wage
ns
Stabilization Board.
Q Do you think that the problem of wages has a
relationship to the problem of profits?
A You cannot talk about wages without talking
about profits. And you cannot talk about prices without talking about wages and profits.
Q
What about the fellow who is making no profits
—should he pay lower wages then? Aren't there lots
of companies where they don’t have any profits and
where they can’t cut wages— ©
A The facts are that the profits of American corporations are at an all-time high, running at a rate of
48 billion dollars a year before taxes, or double the
record profits of the war years.
1a
28
as fraud’
Q But, as a principle, do you think organized lahor would favor lower wage scales in companies where
‘hey are not making profits?
A Organized labor is not prepared to subsidize inefficient companies through low wages.
Q In other words, you take the position that when
an industry loses money, that’s efficiency? You don’t
take the position that it may be the competitor up
above with the big monopoly that’s forcing him to the
wall? Under the antitrust laws we prosecute some
monopolies, but we don’t get them all. Now what
would organized labor do on that? Would it favor
strict enforcement?
A Monopolies do not often drive prices down and
put competitors out of business. Most of the time they
hold prices up by creating economic scarcity. They
operate on the basis of restricted output that yields
high prices and high profits.
How
Profits Have
Risen
Q But you’ve got a big, concerted movement to
raise the costs through high wage levels in some industries, and the result is the higher-cost fellow has
got to meet that price or go out of business, doesn’t
he?
A The fact remains that the total wage bill of all
business, both large and small, has gone up 26 per
cent since 1944 while corporation profits in that same
period have gone up 97 per cent. The National City
Bank reports that 1,000 leading corporations averaged
an increase in profits, after taxes, of more than 35 per
cent from 1949 to 1950.
Q But people are said to have too much money to
spend—wages are very high now, aren’t they?
A This idea that the little people have too much
wages and too much spending power and are creating inflation is the theory that the Federal Reserve
Board used when it issued Regulations X and W.
They were designed to price low-income families out
of the market for homes and other consumer durable
goods.
This is a form of rationing based upon ability to
pay rather than upon need. The real source of inflationary pressure is not the wages in the average family,
pay check. The upper 10 per cent of American families with highest incomes spend almost as much as
the lower 50 per cent of American families all together.
While the Federal Reserve Board was pricing these
low-income families out of the market with its consumer-credit regulations, it was not doing a thing to
check the bank loans to business which were increasing four times as fast as the loans to consumers.
Q Isn’t your point really that a lot of controls are
imposed unevenly under our set-up and you would
have simultaneously imposed controls?
A That’s precisely the point. If you’re going to control inflation you’ve got to use all of the tools that we
possess. That means, No. 1, you’ve got to have price
ea
U.S. NEWS & WORLD
REPORT
... ‘Stop speculation
and
control, rigid price control. That means
profiteering’
you’ve got to
have quality control, too, because when you control
the price of goods and don’t control the quality you’re
only dealing with half the problem.
Q How would you control the quality?
A We must protect the consumer by having specifications and quality standards in the price regulations.
Under such regulations where a ceiling price of $15
had been established on a child’s coat, with a quality
standard of 80 per cent wool and 20 per cent cotton,
the manufacturer
would
be prohibited from
the wool content to 60 per cent unless he made
cutting
a cor-
responding reduction in the price. The actual cost of
a pair of boy’s shoes with a ceiling price of $6 is in
fact raised to $12 if the quality is reduced so that
the shoes wear only half as long.
When you get into canned goods, quality standards
are even more important because the average housewife does not have X-ray eyes with which to see
through the can and examine its contents before she
makes a purchase. Unless the price regulation is tied
to quality, she will find herself paying grade A prices
for grade C canned goods.
Q Wouldn't you have to control meticulously every
segment of your economic system to put this into
effect?
A You’ve got to have price control and quality control. You would also require the posting of dollarsand-cents ceiling prices in place of the present system
under which each retailer has his own markups and
prices.
We also need
need to control
in order to stop
are economically
credit controls and rent control. We
trading in the commodity exchanges
speculation and profiteering, which
and morally indefensible.
Wisdom
Q
Do
you
of 12 Men
think 12 men
sitting as a policy group
can handle all those problems?
A I think 12 men can do a better job that one
man because I’ll trust the wisdom of 12 men—that’s
why we have a democracy. I don’t think any one
man is equal to this task. I don’t care whether he
comes from industry, labor, agriculture or from some
university.
Q Do you think these 12 men would agree?
A I think that they can work out policy. I was trying to say earlier—the War Manpower Commission
had an equal number of industry representatives, labor representatives, agricultural representatives, and
a public chairman—and we worked out a practical
man-power program, and we didn’t get in there and
bargain with each other. We all recognized that there
was a national interest that transcended the interest
of the groups participating.
Q
You knew man power, but you couldn't delegate
to that group from labor and agriculture the knowledge of how to operate the credit controls of America
APRIL
6,
1951
and let them be the court of last resort, could you?
A But you could certainly bring in experts—that’s
how we did on man power. This top policy board
would bring in the best of the authorities in the
country on credit.
Q Why can’t this committee report to Mr. Wilson,
and Mr. Wilson report to the President?
A
Then
you
have
Mr.
Wilson
above
the
policy
board, and supposing he says, ‘“‘Well, gentlemen, you’re
unanimous, but I disagree.” Then where do you go?
Identifying Policy
Q You made your point that the chief, the one under your policy board, is to have complete administrative authority. Now who decides what’s policy and
what’s administrative power?
A Everybody who knows anything about running a
big organization knows there are distinct differences
between policy decisions and administrative decisions.
And I’m saying that that line of demarcation can be
drawn without any confusion because, when you’re
pounding out basic policy decisions, everybody knows
what you’re talking about.
Q What if the President doesn’t approve of a policy
board and leaves Mr. Wilson in his position?
A Then you haven’t got what I am proposing. I’m
stating what in my judgment represents the most intelligent, the most constructive and the most effective
approach. I’m not trying to speculate on what some-
one might do.
Q Is this your organization’s proposal?
A_ I’m not speaking here for the United Labor Policy Committee. I’m saying that if I were asked the
question how America or a free people can best get on
with the job of mobilizing their material resources
and their human resources and tapping the spiritual
power that they have, I would say that this kind of
machinery lends itself better to the achievement of
that task than the one-man setup that we now have.
Q That is your personal view, then?
A That’s right.
Q But don’t labor and business and agriculture
think that this is a near-war rather than an actual
war? That it’s a get-rich-quick period?
A That isn’t true so far as labor is concerned because the policy statement of the United Labor Policy Committee said very clearly and unequivocally
that we are in favor of and are prepared to accept a
program of wage stabilization. But we said that wage
stabilization had to be a part of a total over-all program. Now, you can’t say that we’re trying to get
rich—we don’t want to get rich—but we are not
willing to have our wages frozen and everything else
going sky high.
Q
If you
did get this committee,
would you
then
will
take
have a no-strike pledge given by labor?
A The question of strikes is one that
(Continued on page 30)
29
g
n
i
v
o
m
e
r
by
s
ke
ri
st
id
vo
‘A
...
their causes’
e
bl
ta
ui
eq
d
an
d
un
so
a
t
ou
rk
wo
u
yo
if
elf
its
care of
of
t
gh
li
e
th
in
ge
ed
pl
e
ik
tr
-s
no
a
t
ou
ab
lk
policy. Ta
is
,
ng
ti
ke
oc
yr
sk
s
it
of
pr
d
an
es
ic
pr
th
the facts, wi
dangerously unrealistic.
t
pu
en
be
d
ha
on
si
is
mm
co
s
thi
r
te
af
t
an
me
Q I
e
ik
tr
-s
no
a
ve
ha
en
th
u
yo
d
ul
wo
n,
io
at
er
op
to
in
pledge to keep equality of sacrifice?
A I’m for a disputes section in the Wage Stabilim
ra
og
pr
ic
om
on
ec
an
ve
ha
u
yo
If
d.
ar
Bo
on
ti
za
that reflects equity for everybody—nobody getting
rich at the other fellow’s expense—if you have control of the economy so that wages-prices-profits
have a reasonable and defensible economic and
moral relationship, then strikes are not going to be
a problem.
believe that, out of current corporation profits, a
realistic and equitable excess-profits tax ought to
yield somewhere between 8 and 10 billion. We think
that represents the fair share of the total tax load
which corporations ought to carry. We also believe
that the loopholes in the tax law ought to be
plugged.
Q Would you repeal income splitting whereby
a husband and wife can make a joint return?
A Yes, they ought to repeal the split-income
provision because it allows well-to-do families to
escape paying billions of dollars in taxes.
Justice: Key to Stability
Q But if they were, and somebody did strike,
what would you do?
A A disputes section will not provide a positive
guarantee against strikes, but such an agency will
reduce strikes to a minimum because both parties
are afforded opportunity to present their sides of
the dispute and to get a decision by a board com-
posed
of
people
who
understand
both
points
of
view. As a practical matter we need to deal not
with how you settle strikes but rather with how you
avoid strikes by removing their causes. If workers
feel that they are getting justice, you will have no
strikes. On the other hand, if they feel they are
being denied justice, you will have strikes regardless of a no-strike pledge. In a police state, it is possible to achieve industrial stability without justice.
In a free society, however, industrial stability is
possible only if it rests upon a foundation of economic and social justice.
Q But economic justice is a very abstract term
and labor’s definition of that differs from others.
If you can only have peace by accepting one
fellow’s definition of justice, how can you have
justice?
A That’s what Mr. Wilson is proposing—he’s
proposing peace on his terms. No one person should
be permitted to decide issues which affect the lives
of all the people.
Q Would you be satisfied with another ‘one
man’ if he came from a labor union?
A No. Absolutely not. I said before, whether he
came from labor, industry, agriculture or from a
college, that no one superman:in America is capable
of meeting the complex
mobilization program.
problems
involved
in this
Q Now, as to collecting more taxes, as you propose, from the higher income groups, if you don't
intend to confiscate all income above $10,000, how
could you collect enough taxes?
A Well, let’s take corporations. The present excess-profits tax yields less than 3 billion dollars. We
Q
Would you say whether you are satisfied with
the present political parties?
A I have said for a long time what we really need
in America is a fundamental realignment of political forces so that political parties stand for definite
concepts of government and economics. At present
each major political party is a hodgepodge of incompatible economic, social and political groups
—neither party having a sense of moral responsibility or the organizational discipline to carry out
the programs and platforms on which they seek
the support of the people.
Nationalization Opposed
Q What about nationalization? Would you favor
that for this country?
A I am not in favor of nationalization. I am opposed to monopoly and economic scarcity. Too
often American industry is neither free nor enterprising.
When private industry refuses to expand productive capacity to meet the needs of our nation, I
favor the Government as the agency of the people
taking what steps are necessary to see that economic deficits are met. The steel industry is a case
in point. Following Pearl Harbor and once again in
the present emergency, the people of America are
paying the price of the steel industry’s refusal to
expand. We cannot tolerate any private economic
decisions which threaten the security of our nation
and which jeopardize our economic future. I am for
ending artificial restrictions on production because
I believe in an economy of abundance.
Q What if we get a great deflation?
A If we are to make freedom secure in the world
free men must learn how to organize their economic
life so as to achieve full employment, full production and full distribution, uninterrupted by deflathe
to
ve
pro
t
mus
a
ric
Ame
n.
sio
res
deg
and
ns
tio
of
e
sur
mea
full
a
e
iev
ach
to
le
sib
pos
is
it
t
tha
world
or
cal
iti
pol
ng
ici
rif
sac
t
hou
wit
ty
uri
sec
ic
econom
t
tha
ld
wor
the
to
ve
pro
t
mus
We
m.
edo
fre
ual
spirit
our
and
ces
our
res
ic
nom
eco
our
ze
ili
mob
can
we
of
ngs
thi
d
goo
the
ing
mak
for
er
pow
e
productiv
life in peace as we have demonstrated
our capacity
to forge the weapons of war.
© 1951, By U.S.
30
News
U.S. NEWS & WORLD
Pub.
Corp.
REPORT
U. S. NEws & WORLD REPORT
MAR 29 1957
WASHINGTON
& N STREETS,N.W.
WASHINGTON 7, D.C.
1951
22,
March
24TH
Mr, Walter P, Reuther
CIO United Automobile Workers
411 West Milwaukee Avenue
Detroit 2, Michigan
Dear
Mr.
Reuther:
Enclosed
in
it you
as
we
Our
cover
necessary
this
one
of
to have
goes
press
for
Monday,
April
points
before
We
press
the
We need
We
the
is
a transcript
at
but
wish,
find
is
us
to
plan
2,
radio
Also,
we
if you
the
hope
the
interview.
to
try
time
most
this
and
will,
the
appealing
than
copy
this
that
the
by
aspects
rest
that
will
of
make
informality
of
these
changes
the
of
language
interviews.
March 26,
the
whatever
by noon,
magazine
so
that
will
be
if possible,
it would
be
time,
interview
you
Please
preserve the
copy back on Monday,
earlier
have
to
that
and
compliments,
to
same
of
in the
not
issue
give
any
which
other
interviews
out
on
covering
these
date.
of
course,
release
simultaneously
will
be
would
glad
like
to
to
the
text
full
of
with
our
publication,
send
you
some
have
them
and
reprints
will
Si
interview
the
of
the
me
ely
yours,
to
printed
interview,
with
our
how
many
you
want,
return
of
this
copy
know
let
as
Carson F, Lyma
Managing Editor
CFL/ced
Psa
to
j
i
ie
i
Enclosed
US e
is
a
stamped
and
addressed
envelope
for
the
INTERVIEW
WITH MR,
WALTER REUTHER
March
Q
.
en
you
of us
srr,
‘, .
Ca)
Do
\
feel
we
of all
are
the
defense
confident
going
that
to have
groups
in
our
20,
in
the
1951
this
period
earnest
economic
ahead
cooperation
system
for
the
effort?
Shoutinttxhavex thst?
jA
I believe
that,despite
difficulties
a
find
ithe
we
having
OW
economic
fami>ereh-~makineibs
Q
‘ul
prosecution
Do do
tobi
dependence
in
dependent
I
our
that
we will
we
must
co
Wr
groups
in
our
the
defense
economic
in the
you
of necessity
eae
the success
there
system
--
is
an
inter-
that
we
are
al
another?
is
have
very
true,
to find
a
and
that's
why
I be-
wejt@e6—secommodste-+
oka
working
td
out
these
“ot.
problems.
Do
temporary
progran.
: democratic, stimbabgmia
es pleaseae
and
society
contribution
f/that
on one
think
lieve
of
current
of—operatico:
basis
common
various
are
the
feel
recent
that
the
discussions
viewpoint
of
organized
labor
has been understood
by
the
public?
I\think
onderst
that
s our
quite
a.large
position.
segment
re are
of ‘the
places
publie
where
{—
em
en
mie
~~
om
mm
ij
on 2 an
ssen-
economy,
at a a time when the over-all
f°
Ke |
—1Q
is not being
to
soar.
--
way
that
start
why not
place,
to start some
you have
since
eeaneals wages
control
your
start
you
couldn't
But
beginning
prices €re
and
stabilized
to
srxshe
about
talk
to
mareettats
with labor?
1a
first
steps
first.
What
ought
to be
the
first
wages
have
behind
the
But
take
47——|q
You! ve
See eeEEbeReRborenie——
question
step?
Wages
lagged
behind
to
got
is:
have
lagged
prices.
Since when?
A
Korea,
Since
mov ed. ahead
have
profits
faster
much
than
prices and
peides
1 posers Profits are certainly te more
Chan Wyte
rn
couldn't
You
logic
|
precipitated
9S
ey, f
amy SOM ehET
16hSpire
i
aye
TN
wages
the
that
A
e
Ny
CORRE
in the
|
Ta
‘
Fa
NR ow
_
ae Mae. ae
EA ONELA RAMAN
:
argue
auto
ay
.
ae
-S¢ire—the
with very
industry
movement."
the price
MP AR D SA
in prices.
atime’:
ae the
had
much
i ee
co
=
|
" je a
~
in-
wage
«
]
a
|
d
n
a
r
e
l
s
y
r
h
a a C
“a, reflection
i.
rf they were
hour
Kents | per
That adjust
_ 1950.
fact
gr
that
ee
y
o
l
t
t
n
e
i
c
i
f
f
u
s
d
e
v
o
m
"
‘
ly
s
e
c
i
r
p
aSe
peetesy ip he
.
e
s
a
e
r
c
s
n
i
g
t
a
n
w
-ce
we get! another
eer foents.
’
s
w
o
s
d
a
h
that iv ices
j aileates
| 4 December,
Again,
this
merely fp
A
é
m
b
a
s
y
a
d
up 90
as his
ppessuring the moye
{Q
But
not
and not
have
A
all
gotten
et Fhe
all
are
workers
are
in the auto
covered by escalator
direct
*
industry --
clauses.
Some
raises.
factg are thet the over-all
has been much slower waa
movement.
ff
195 y
of tye index 90
( ———f
ff
90 day4
wage movemen
than MMB the price
of considerable snlabiiiians
ZO from a period
you
into
a period
say the
of
total
full
wage
employment,
bill
has
and
ine
you
increased, feu! ve
;
f
to divide the total wage bill by the number
/pened
to the
we're
talking
about.
to
allow
have
qasts
period,
cents
an
hour
ym
thing
more
wage
total
the
t? at.
bpargeinings-
job\ in pomrentinn
been
10-year
the
nore, | and
considez ably
willing to\ gear our wage
of
movement | See the indg ; , because we
the
66
bam
adjustments jin
good
done a. fairly
we
, (or
for
has hap-
out yee
find
of
You've got | k.eve, 000
toge
make
to
got
|} you've
bill
individuals,
working
people
really
to
in onder
workers
got
SQaS
et
around
got
|
RN
in a
learned
workers
the au lom bile
in
position to
wase
increases
=
ATOM
RL
but
we
found
en-hour
that
gain
in
in/ that
period
we
ay chasing power.
only
And
made
6-cents—
that's why
i,"
there
was
=:
ag¢ceptance lg n
membership
in
o
because
fo
af
and
we
fighting
ing
to
iN
to
get
mental
that
ye get
a ace
buy anythine/
rare
, uni on/ 8:
aR Hac a
Aare
part
of
the
a \the escalator
we were
wooden
the
clauge
fir ating and fighting
nickels
sas What
ee
wea are
wouldn't
really
try-
ERS AREY
do
if
mo ne
not
get
more
purchasing
pYoblem
that
money,
power,
a free
oo
but \wet re
because
the
trying)
funda-
society has | 10 solve
Oy
jprovide
the
from
Pr
et ee
resolved
of
it will
June.
bi
apy coved.
the
mag's
\
I think everybody
af tnoveh
ae
That's until
the
aay that
not beepf
vetees
fhe anyual iennad
clauses.
‘Mr. Erie Johnston-
chaos.
nor the annual | impr rement
npt
clauses
ot Ys. escalator
tion
did
Board,
eeneiigeiien
lag
for satiny
to disassociate
oueens
lie
the
which premipibesed
‘themselves
ain
Wage Stabilization Board
ombgimel
The
that
labor
/
to itt
A
of
objection
is/the
What
formula,
of-living
cost-
accepted your
nas
organization
The defense
Q
fond
Uunders
\
the goth
metenny /erodactiok
\
| chni ef ty
Act \te
will
have / to
be
goes
act
the Act | or ponety
of the
scat
out
before
1 pp
o 2\gusiness
that
date. exther) to
it and amend
clauses
- ‘Congress,
is
coos pots
f,
But
June
renew
the approval
30,
which
s0 that
|
we can
—
| yhere
freak
thing
reag {tony
exsheen
|bags vk “the chain reactipn xx
howto
éroblem/
fne
the ‘chain
builds
on
//
“that's
|
the (qt
: her
and
you
the
get
a
soxt of snowballing of tie vd e inflationary pressure.
Q
We were told,
____-}alone
A
would
that
we
for
every
dt
on
Ms
poadh
figure,
to give
the
know
is
that] the
Thsbeen able
to
get
ot
‘you all
xp rH begin
5
say e /s6
~
when
she
the correct
you
best
@
the (other
° build
—
:
gover i
st,
wast / ,
program’ ‘pad bea
Sremerof }
end, ‘the
cénsum Pr
pig Sons janet
~-—
‘ ' vated © of
rmer
if
the
A
;
consumer! s
wits Tey Asiking
the
gover shont\
s also
I ‘a
is entitled | fo
good
ALSi
OE bd
a
MUR Se EROs TEU UT
re
Mey
sR
B.7~
:
T=
ARC
Fa
inveatae’
b ¢ fair price.
2
oe
A,
43
';
Nelda
ak.
Kk
;
r
OL
:
:
ices
a
subsidies,
| of
j
e
fe
4
that
about
ad that subsidy in the les? warP
LLM; .
end;
the cobeun oF, fyou're not only
you: " san,
5 tol,
that.
f
housewife,
bed guse
on
at
{ tedk abo
« ut
abs rat) tne
~
/
inform a
indicates
into
J
It's/e eipounding thing-- you rylse with
can
talking
|
destin
3 6 i “save » at
step.
iPwe
ei f
ane
subsidies,
ek, 65,
~\
not
figure. \all j We
tion
subsidy on meat
$6 bily a
think that Lj is
I am
correct
3
cost
I don't
‘although
though, bfnat a
:
kL oe
°
n
re
ma
hp
o
(Coren
>
Fy,
~~
Game
f* ecause we not
9uly had
Bs
tt,
Eo
Ranpeite x
to
'p
ge
£68 stuffs, ang
|ee
/need
the
to make /
/}
economy?
that_
is/when
The point
A
VA Sad a
you
talk about ¢ontrolling
are putting the cart defore the horse.
wages 5 you
\
/
it?
you control
How do
fe
workers
They
contract,
our
in
"We
say,
As
wages."
"We wor ld like to see
we had
the , few=cents -_F ‘sot
thet
penny
a fatter
of
fact,
\ Nextar oex capa commis
\
would
one
p tices
sia
get
agreed to a
vant
don't
a wage
we
/
he General Motors/maanka have
say,
ze
they
go down and take
xouk
xem
of people
When
thought
that
.
jitteby ag
and. that
some
of
we had for our dcJost-of-living
the
enthusiagm
clauses
%,
would
be dissipated, but/ vnea\we got the two-cent cut
we went
to
too
you
bad
able
you're
the wy See
ce A4
2 7 he
to
oot
ine,
f
and your life
j
S »
lose
same
and
said,
nore)\ because
your
is fine.
you
are
goods
with
what
savings \and
your
war
amount
insurance.
"This
of
\
and everything
own is worth thet much more."
\
\
‘4s b
It's
still
wages
bonds
else you
nnn aoe
2"
5
where
RIGS
cost-of-living
of this
basis
you have
taken a cut on the
index,
hasn't
it been
a short-lived cut/ and more than been made up for
the
by
where
You've had
increase?
next
a cut.
taken
you've
they
7
fags text ported
are
the —?
thet
escelabo
the
cases
f
beret
yo
i
$ i
¢
a
;
clanse ,yo| re being;
Sasa sneer SH
gots
whines
i
two
vf.
We took —
H
only
%
in the = f
onyt nix
f
having those
easortabat
under fixed
ly
ef
§ yok.
Teich
The
worker
is better
ineowe
fas tn eae
buy
off,
who
and | ne
is Petter
Q
[rotten off sm be! ve othe that, and the wobkers wiiefstart
that,
because
the
thing
that
we
have
driven
ew
#
you
Q
take
But
can
howe
in
not
nee
a stabilized
can you get
like
ours?
A
think
I
f
Ry
an uncoordinated
you get
how
is
we
/to control
that
all
th
dollars,
It's
ee frou
society
dollar
fr
like ours
for
forces
the
fact
in a free
can
how
everybody
in an uncoordinated
appreciate
economic
of
the anoustt
that
is
repeatedly
home
--
society
that
trying
economy
is a
at
d
U
e.
th
’
up
g
n
i
t
t
e
s
in
,
I believe
ment’,
man,
how
we
should
not
tiagmbe
pres on any
AAD
because.deioueyinbiniek
quae one man
well-intentioned
background
--
these
complex
of the
wee
program, Cae
no
one
A
the
‘eee.
of the
doing
policy
job.
man
be,
knows
We
man
ot
kind
of
me
:
PEE
situation
administrative
matte
what
the
answers
to
of
4 4 COvAL?)
his
all
y that
the
nebvérieabieon
We
do
not
ORL
two-headed
“Bw ne believe
-—- no
matter
% charge>
IRE
super-
no
agree
siti
present
the
may
problems.
LER TAOIT
advocate
he
one
the
is
job
animal we nee.
fundamental
the fact
is
also
that
doing
unde
weakness
the perso
the
oe
ington
in
f emergency,@’an
8 over-allgi Kacy
th
,
r
o
b
a
l
h
c
i
h
w
n
i
$,
lg ge
'
et
of
;
tM
4
as 140
and smalt’, and
Dic "
ae
hs
OTN FS
;
Prt f REA
|
’
ca
VS
ail
~
l
l
a o
policy
takes
a
iv
_
,
x,
isa
ag er P
j
or
a}
e
e
e
Ӣ
*
gat
,
o
are repre
is
,
r
é
e
v
pre
sites
ci
salen
‘
ae
ere
]
t
i
p
o
b
,
s
s
e
n
i
s
u
farmers’ b
a
i
/
4 ai
—:
eee
aeTe
a ae
oe
.
i
gs‘7
P
(
ee
A
o ar
rns
‘
ghee TB
hes
P
.
y
c
i
l
s
y
Ha
po
mete
over
msi,
1Q
Truman done” that - hasn't he applied
Hasn't
agency.
that
kind of principle?
He's
got
an
realiy knows
25
}——
|Q
A
advisory
what
board
of
some
kind,
it is.
Could Wilson be on this policy committee?
@&,
i?
mee
of the
A
r
;
yes
-- he
could
even be
Chairman.
nobody
“a
‘
aS
‘Z
é
:
f
et
a
Ps ae
3a
mae
Cam keaneait
Fr
y
ro
Mes,
ia
‘wr
7
j
.
a
‘
A
*:
Sagem
aie
21)
Q
In
our
interview
EH. Wilson,
he
two
said
he has
in mind
policy
committee,
A
Mr.
Wilson
of
some
almost
the
kind.
ago
your
that
Charles
-—- he
said
of an over-all
about
suggesting
I suppose
with
words
appointing
Is
is
weeks
your
idea?
an advisory
what
committee
he has sta mind
is
that he will have an advisory committee iof Deer
£rem agriculture,
and he
22.)
will
he
wants
Q
Wo,
A
I'm
in
ina
What
call
to
he
one des
them
consult
speaks
exactly
is
same
not
an advisory
commbisiee
way
as
-—-
a board
Blectric fam
y 7
ats
~~
4
it
of
Mr. Wilson was
basic policy, whan:
a problem
wir
advisory group.
boo/re! —
a policy
the
has
dy in industry,
them.
of an over-all
corporation.
General
in when he
I am proposing
proposing
labor, one
commit tee
functions
directors
the he 4
pee
they
ees
xr
of
c
a
frotd at
ole eeey
Ghi-Gbbnbhet,
General
Mr.
Electric
Such wee.
Wilson,
Company,
s
decision
nd
“a
28
President
Waa
ie
tre
the
faethe,
ng \t_ make a
decisior
did
Ce
of
seme
F
rein,
oe
# Br,
bs
on Te te
tee
r ie
eA
ir
oy
LIAO
|
rm
~o
ee
Ey
he
,
«= eee
more
directors/ hendle
of
think
of
a board
needs
America
~k
oy
Suef
we
to
directors -enuthe=
23)
complicated probiens ~“Y
that
require
a change
I think
that
Would
Q
No,
Act
Production
Defense
the \iiiimedr machinery
purposes
>}
has
statute?
the
under
MamNEbs
create
to
@@™ authority
ap bhnpted,
lope
&
in the
President
the
more diffi
tits
meme
and
I
sto
nobiliaotionataaag to handle the
cult
Company
Blectric
Just as “the
ami
on,
took
ever
that
problem
Sonere+
the
=
of Directors
the Board
any
adel
.
mobilization
than
complex
and
difficult
war
of
ems
the
implement
to
of the Act.
Then this group that you speak of would have to
)—|Q
back, anyway, to
go
sp proval
The
=
ANT
of
‘
ISORUX
the
ought
SLI
;
or
POOR
i
Bete seme! spteriomencesnarn
e aD
. policy
separaty ing
ee
authority,
In
other
functions.
He
sntlennin:
the
end
two
Ox.
Prarwedk,
inistrative
ae
Gertainly
administrative
authority
same
the
can delegate
, :
hewees
not the x
propose
confirmation
or disapproval?
. Wilson
but
for
the President
whoever
of the
is
the
heed
mobilization
to sit on the Policy Commihahae,
words
either
program
as a
|
-13<
member
ya
oon
made a decision,
f
K
tt
once
Amd
Chairman.
the
1
Policy
the
stb:
them he shenld be
ae
through the Frestaeat, | techni
(Bi
er”
Inspinienic Wo
ever
need this
the
decause
difficult
~~
‘diggin seep
ce SAARC
kind
problems
pnd
of dros
that
we
face
conversion
now
than
more
more
are
;
the kind of problems
total
today
and
3 h face
total
om
‘
ah
4
fe
‘
AA
ae oe
git igi’:
‘
ie
-
mobilization
Oe
could
the
challenge
we
that,if
tank
NS
(
~comnbtte:
policy
group
economic
important
every
from
minds
best
the
of -
mobilization
a top
into
draw
ao
soundness
the
or
validity
Ove
D
to
got
1a.we! ve
w
nel
Fe
it.
apply
the
in
democracy
defending
in America
sagunaneeys
ar could comhetmhy collectively
cy.
c
-n
s,
on
ti
es
qu
cy
li
po
to
ip
sh
er
ad
give better le
PO MARE
GAY GN
N
Oi
LG
rm
Q
PROROUNE c
i
e
e
n
a
to abide by a majority
everybody have
Would
decision
in
that
kind
of
plan?
Certainly.
iQ
What if you couldn't get agreement,
didn't
xy
get it on the Wage Stabilization
ie dt
TTL
out,
important
by
top
men
policy
theprocess
mr
gram
get
wt
b-
¢%@e
x2 which you! can work.
where
that
isn't
true,
have
and
common
seme apprecig
Vai,
=§ 7
Oe
take,
findthat
..
sweat
a common
denominator
If an occasion
then,
you
Board?
om, you / mam
questions
of give
find
-
who
iho
WF AAO, Bo hy QTE
Oh
Dn meet
you
like
of course,
pro-
around
arises
the majorith
'
'
fae
has
to detide.//
tion
In the
case of
the Wage
Stebiliza
Board,
they weredoing
ve
thing
the
that
expedient,
was
that
was right,
thing
the
not
and
x
e
m
i
m
m
s
f
o
d
a
e
t
s
a Zn
te
evaluate
present
all
situation
and
per
aa
. Cc Te
Clauses.
In
figure.
The
the
only
Motors!
thought
a 9 per
and
some
ss
hen™ when
cent
s
aut
phe
cover
cent wouldn't
cent
9 to0fve
from
went
clauses,
amr
9
escalator
had
cleusef
|
a was
head a 10 per
they
reason
a
of
ino
They
they
escalator
escalator
percent.
cent
they
the
-hey-sat=<dewn®
exkikmxxexx
oo
the 9 per
they found
A
the
txuinfeet Con
figure.
other
per
of
project
eneter te
those
arbitrary, thima.
cent
General
factors
trying
then / wag to
;
a/ ake
came up with
x sadeat
economic
and
to meet
policy
wage
the
the BLS indexem
of
ce
the
pred
~
they found that 10 per cent wouldn't do it, and
;
Eric
or
ez
oOo”
;
x
t
a
d
n
e
n
m
s
r
o
t
c
a
economic f
imemmamen
"4
I V
_~|
Q@
GadbLy’ SOUNG”’
MD
sa
B05
How
gest?
8 igi
a
many
rm
a
ni
i
NMR
ae ee
eke
Pe
aera a Ht
ei Ae
ak
nek
Si
ee
re
P
se reMig
Aapproaecn,
2 SN a
would
be
a es RR a
i
on
gaee
FOU
ee ee
:rh .
ne
—
Vesa R.utO. PAByorPOLLPVICB
ae
re
ty
8
on that, Soard
es
thet
+"
Po
ed
you
nee
ae
ae me
sug-
Afrgarrel
7.
fe
fr
l
Vraate,
.
*},
‘——
am
in
ot v
moc
1] 6=
,
:
“OA
§ O
I'd say
Would
two
or three
those
from
their
A
If
were
required
1
think
ZI
think
should
it'y
respective
go
to
groups?
serve
full
time,
on ‘Sha. cavernnent
academic
Mr.
phe
altogether.
be on the payroll of the
be
or/ government officials, dis-
associated
‘Q
or 12 people
people
groups,
howe
ho
Nine
individual
they
-
to
Wilson
interview
tals
eek
payrolls
disassoci/ tt
com Ss down here,
that ‘he
had
then
with
and/he
youfA hat
Ateessociated himéelf from industry this
“Pa 1949’.
4
é mol
‘wy
&
oe
a
ds
na.
ia .
eh
nit
4 ain
OI aa
tan
was over he went 7
ae
Well, _ When the’ ‘emergen
cy
ee
hae
Ce hale
ear
gd. he has
cox (ti naing
inter
gene
Pr
a l
f
sf 5. a
them
tog fother.
rent backgrouz Yana. therefore
ent
point
of
these
the
top.
of ¥ Lew.
/
various
Fria
at
ties
ey
the fata
f
points
of view
é
wa a aift-
e a differthe
Bondi
biased
a (te
xf
into
ten
a oneness
a,
at
Q
—
,0
connec-
have
that
fellows
the
without
then,
group,
a public
to have
off
you be better
Wouldn't
tions?
A
2
‘educator,
outstanding
the
ara
they
people,
or
some
fine.
But
president,
ege
a cok
get
those
to have
just
created
of imarily
They
‘the problem in the\Wage Stabilization Board.
‘got
their
sharp
the
thing
on
wages.
about
talk
all
these
it
ina
facton Ms, you're
got’ to act
you've
deal-
not
You're
classroom pre bien.
and
a
and
profits
and
priv 28
:
accord
ingly.
An/ pis aah s group would leck \2 lot of
bay) c 5 dank cael
1G
you plan
Did
the
are
you
cca ustry,
you get
that
.
griculture come in there.
pabot
on trading
to
the, groups
between
agreement?
best
A ~Glees-
-—
do
with,
get
22
figure
dealing
the
en
\ that
nomic
’
other
ing with an scagentc
io
to
But we also/ hen wie America ,8u%% when
classroom.
you
began
rou would
‘ faow
ue
the
they
s out joa
penci
an
fello) f that's
who
people
Are
who
professors
college
in the
Then you draw
I Gh
going
to
not
consider
a matter
this
where
—
bargain,
|Q
Can labor members of that board act independently,
or
are
down
by
they
going
those
I served
to
making
to
hare
the
in the last
vitae
le
policy
laid
policy?
) Manpowsec
ationsal
wer on the
pie ASEE
Commission,
the
follow
similar
inh REM
to
OS OT
i
tiie
I am proposing sere:
‘.
d
e
t
i
n
U
e
th
,
r
e
v
e
w
o
h
s
y
Nowada
| 39
all the
all si —
cmv
so
of
off
got
to
going
you
ee
oo
sense e to
put itl together “so it
ae
| matter
over-all
wage
the various
stop
to
get
off
defense
tr
ayou
thin
set-up?
it
tit
are
How
agencies.
kind
meekly
all
they
and
government
the
in
representatives
labor
Policy
Labor
on/
it,
bi: eae
with.
a, "I make sens. f
prig
order.
control
—
/
y
r
w
g
n
i
o
g
s
i
hing
going
up.
sixth
TO
word
20
about
Q Props
& Mat
fi
CAlow
If you
j
frofits
- not
one NA
\
ace
t
o
u
g
y
h
e
a
r
t
h
“
i
s
d
o
w
n
S
e
i
ag
ne,
| Asn! ri
the
tatornation ye rath
%;
A
y
et me
jas
—
“- yen
some
3
profit figures.
take Loh, y (ch 1s a good base vd cause the
ee
y
(SY
nk Gin
was
a full
employment
TORE
:
fell
production
year.
i
Q
+_
@ war
yeer,
ehas
:
Pee
towel.
full
employment
employment
then,
year
and there
now. There
there
-—
ten,
was
is Ce
1944
wes) ae very
os
the
most
that times
It
was
an all-tine
a
profitable
an all-time igh
comparing/ like
And profits
kind
of
wage
full
activity
|
profitable
year
profit
years.
went up ‘974.
oad 35 times the
ig fy slakbeaie
nigh industrial
it
as oem
OR
up until
year,
yeer.
as
wel
So you are
Wages
went
up
26%.
Profits went up more
ihe of wages.
Kh
gh ‘es
—_—~1Q
Ani
But
profits
of
wages kept
were
inte
during
the
A
talk about
vA
You
Motors
held ‘down
up.
during
Prices
the
were
ware
controlled
war.
_—
being sata
Corporation nate
ties
$1,811 ,0004000.
~~
Genere ]
They made
pom
86% on their
on
their
in wabes
investment before taxes,
investment, Azter
for “7
————
/ U—
F*
$1.37
in/protié
That's
right.
After /taxes!
before
ape
they made
2. 37
$1 they paig/ ie wages.
You talking
meteor are
TOTEM ING:
7
taxes,
they made’ Ws} / fe
for
every
f
spout’
f
$1
of
£
&
wages?
f
|
;4
taxes
i
:
Mc
- because
j
e:
®
$
‘
yanspay
bb
fore you pay taxes.
va,
5
But after they had paid their
a
Po
e
~*
wage
bill,
after
they
had
paid
for a
of
materials,
etter
they
had
paid
for ei
the
ee
—nernad
operating
of the
of
Géneral
expenses
Motors
the precntives/
in profits
THe
well
of
Corporation,
and
General
cr.
oe
ae
f
they ned
lectric Company = they Aisa
me wages 19 1950 in Congha
126) nd
dompazy
the affairs
including salax}
ererypoay,
ingreased 12% over 1949.
up
other
for every $1 they paid in wagps.
too.
wont
contucting
their
from
pret ty
Blectric
Se total wage bill
profits
of
the General
Electric
1949 to 1950 went up 38%,
if you want
to
talk
do
without
about
taxes
--
sure
they pay more taxes.
~Q
What
plow
it
A
They
Q
But
would
they
hai
don't
keep
a pretty
a lot
eumipye2x
A
The
so
that
of
we
|} aggression
goodxsmxx
it goes
we
have
and
profits
- they
they?
back
equipment,which
reason
those
are
of
plants
and
into
givesjobs
trying
the
section
to
strength
Communist
it.
to workers,doepn't
mobilize
America
resist
Communist
to
tyrenny
and make
freedom
t
secure
in the
is because
world,
in America
of
the values
unlike
the
reason
we have
basic
have
we
freedom
comes
But
the
today
high
question
You
it?"
of taxes.
than
said
all
"How
along
do
that
in
that
are
sueiieken.
must
the
pay
you get
talk about the corporations
They are paying less taxes
the people
that
ie mobilize a free
- people
is,
values
totalitarian
the
When we talk about how
people,
we are doing
the
low
price d
freedom.
for
them
to pay
fo}
paying a lot
proportionately
income
groups.
it?
ee
Ps
=
2)
;
a
om
|
BS
Se
ae)
3
o--—
Q
Do
you
think
relationship
A
about
about
S)
companies
AWE,
fhe
Gizecey
the
don't
are
without talk
wages
making
is
I know
on
tank
and
ee
4
profits
no
of
lots
have any profits
and
that
the profits
of American
ve
Se.
aut
laa
utube,
as
aun
2 fanole .
bre
small
compant a
sha wilt tisk that / nie alt
yey : —-
1 ternal , tevenue
aha
figures
wily.
ad é
show
you
out of some /550, 000 corporatigh As in this
Jeountry,
he abont
there/f Eas
panies pay/a
lower
+6 pay the
with profits?
1
(SUBSEAnz
a red figure hash yee
pelled
D2 000°
oer
;
Would /rou
ze
that
——
let those J domae
wage
same
yy , rate
In other/ words
as the” ‘company /
aren! y/you fi2 ihe
a
high’ wage rate based Arpon the Gene; fol Motorses and
f
the Chryslers,
| country?
:
:
Wot
im=k@G@mmere at an ‘all-time
high.<—Mo?
Dp ofitable
bat,
a
wages -— fe
true. of
the
has
titirie you
then?
bs emetntterers,
ye
BY
wages
about
who
wages,
cut
facts
MVOC
yy Crs
ine
talking
they
can't
corporations
a2
less
where
they
of wages
about
And Jao
fellow
the
pay
he
problem
talk
without
about
should
where
cannot
profits .
prices
What
—___—~|Q
the
to the problem of profits?
‘Siemiperdeerix You
ing
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eee
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Q
labor
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labor wei
Organized
A
A.
they
making
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will
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favor
in America
x discrepangfes
wage
angela alee
But,as
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ges
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companies A
that ,when
You
inefficiency?
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to the wall?
some
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the anti-trust
Under
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monopolies,
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would organized labor do/fmm that?
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them
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Q
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nen Me
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quality, you're
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would
How
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means you've got to have quality
control
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got
That
cause when you control
i
imposed
point.
the
inflation,you've
control
eecia
simultaneously
you
and
set-up,
our
under
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of
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has
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to
see what's inside ind can Petore you buy it.\ We
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happens
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is
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d quality
paying
Grade
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what
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to control meticulously ever}
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Q
into
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put
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system
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got
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rie
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HF
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se
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ery re
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orice
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ari
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oa
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\ to price the/xom fg!
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and
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raise
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wrong.
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We want both
Gat yon _in
“*{t is certainly
Apdefensible
- morally:
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age
or
for
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economy
thet Exe
tile commoditi€s
Q
Do
you
aie
of A
think
mer
=
profite™
“ny to
sche
speculate
K\manipulating
nerket.
12
men
sitting
a policy
as
/
i
a Soe
group
ab
ua
®
ae
can handle
all
A
12
man
I
think
because
that's
those problems?
men
I'11
why we
can
do
trust
have
a better
the
wisdom
job
of
a democracy.-
es
than
12
one
men
—~
a
®
ee
“
am
”
i
what
na
—
joutaatt “the sane
care
whether
culture
he
or from
comes
him on thewe™
ie aaisiyel scien Net
some
from
ise
industry,
university.
im
7
or
¥
fa
net
advise
sa
ee
labor,
e
ISLES non
agri-
L.
>26wemteeny
$s
ie
rf
!
&
‘Swe
.
Os:
P's
Gage
~
lf )
ome | Q
A
Do
you
think
these
I
think
that
they
trying
to
say
Manpower
equal
12 men would
can
earlier
Commission
weme. an
number
and
a public
recognized
that
agricultural
with
there
transcended
I was
the
representatives,
-~
each
was
representa-
and
program, and
bargain
that
industry
chairman
manpower
and
policy.
n the by Baer
of
tives
there
out
3
representatives,
in
work
agree?
-
labor
& practical
28 —
we
a.
we
didn't
other.
We
a national
interest
of
out
get
all
interest
the
groups
| participating. aditweean@tee
Q
You
to
knew
that
manpower
group
knowledge
of how
of America
last
A
from
and
- but
labor
to
let
you
and
operate
them
couldn't
agriculture
the
be
delegate
the
credit
final
the
controls
court
of
resort.
But
you
could
certainly
Sr.
bring
in
experts
--
that's how we did, manpower.}
A
ee
ae
O.
;
re
pais
a
top
-
policy
ee
Fe WA tol od. eo
era
Orel sae
«}
bee
oe
-29the
authorities
in
the
country
on
credit.
7
e,
and
supposing he says,
"Well,
gentlemen,
a>
.
you're unanimous,
but
I disagree."
Then where do
%
you
go?
; Agee 4 or
ers PaO,
st
decisions
##h to make
bas:
;
by
:
ithe
ce
‘exe
You say he is
bargaining
+t
i
sit
eat
a
the one unde
,
f
e
i
h
C
e
th
t
a
h
t
t
n
i
o
p
r
u
You made yo
1Q
administrative power?
| what's
who
knows
anything
organization
knows
there
Everybody
A
big
between
| ences
can
mercation
when
cause,
I'm
be
you're
if
What
what
stating
I'm
I'm
the
most
effective
might
not
saying
of
I'm
I am proposing.
what
and
this
America
job
got
intelli-
approach.
| A
posi-
in his
most
I'm
Is
of a
the
most
Q
Wilson
about
talking
approve
w
~ gomeone
de-
—
p
t
f
s
e
m
a
E
s
t
n
e
s
e
r
p
e
r
~
hat
the
gent,
policy
then?
Then you haven't
A
be-
basic
doesn't
leaves
ot co
Policy
confusion
you're
what
knows
President
the
any
of de-
line
that
out
pounding
administrative
and
without
differ-
distinct
that
saying
a
running
about
are
decisions
drawn
everybody
cisions,
tion,
policy
And
decisions.
Q
Now
authority.
tive
and
what's policy
decides
who
edministra-
complete
have
to
is
board,
policy
your
|
too.
oft,
can get
? nent
constructive
not
da.
to
speaking
if
proposal?
Labor Po2ke;
here
for Ay
ns ed
- was
esked
th
apenas
get
on with the
or a free people
mobilizing
on what
speculate
es
your
that
trying
their
CAM
casi
material
resources
@E
and
how
their
human
power
thet
Q
v
than
task
right.
That's
| A
then?
view,
personal
is your
That
of
have.
now
we
that
setup
one-man
the
of
kind
this
to the achievment
itself better
lends
that
say
I would
have,
spiritual
the
tapping
resources
they
machinery
that
he 32-
|
|
ayy
ORNS 's throats?
Q
But doesn't
labor and business and agriculture
a
tu
ac
an
an
th
er
th
ra
ar
-w
ar
ne
a
is
think that this
It's a get-rich-quick period, is that it?
wer?
isn't
A awe Zot
the
because
Policy
of wage
) ani
over-all
trying
program.
to get
are
not
but
we
and
everything
rich
had
--
be
you
Now,
willing
else
to
we
and unequivocally
to
going
a part
can't
don't
have
Lebor
United
to accept
But we said
stabilization.
stabilization
concerne¢
is
of and are prepared
that we are in favor
a program
the
clearly
very
said
Committee
of
statement
policy
labor
as
so far
true
of
want to
our
sky high.
a total
that
say
that
get
wages
we're
ric
frozen
Eyer rengok
~~
‘me
ena
at
,
|
Sf? | Sere
committee,
Ifyou did get this sytemy would you then have
& no-strike
pledge
A
given
The
is
one
that
ar prunel
labor?
questi
wil, take
Chr,
by
of
care
& no-strike
of itself
: able
Imbininic thet
Gt
4
————
1Q I meant
operation,
after
apexextiemy
pledge
keting,
this
would
to keep
you
if you work
balk about
e nod-strike pledge now in the light
with prices Skyro
of the
witiamebness
commission
then
have
had been
am
pledge
fects,
=sehelpuad put
into
a no-strike
equality of sacrifice?
|
{
mJ
ema If you
have
an economic
pro~
4
hr am
that
retting
have
reflects (equity for
rich
control
i
qnd moral
at
‘ne
of the
other
economy
ue
relationship,
everybody
fellow's
so that
pe
- nobody
if
expense
fa
--/you
s
3
‘oie wage-price-
then eemihtneee
strikes
/
V
|
=F
wr
going
if
But
Q
to
would
you
ui
satxptri-part
q)foortunity
an
had
that
positiong Pretore
respective
their
Ayvelop
having
parties
both
upon
recomng faction
a xuguikax
meres
then
a Dispyfes
has
that
agency
of an
Action, which
bad od
what
strike,
did
do? —
in favor
m
to
be a problem.
Ludul>
o al somebody
yy
the
and/publig , sx
nenegenent
body -- lebor,
P
tion
to
‘public
ti
perties
and
jen
them
line
' the
last
“Conran MR
pledge
GP
XS
Ot
v ery
well
N
of a no
trike
p>
is acaddnic.
wouldn ¢
else
make
i
all
hemic
the@e
sacrifices,and
LOO per
what
of
be pao
to
cent
labor
then
he
f
/
everybody
Here
pledge.
wo-strike
everyone
have
you
if
vehe
a
t take
going
| is
ime
RENAL,
Q It
doesn
And
tind)
y
of
pressure
heve7the
westion
the@imstium then
#
opin
recommenda
that body makeifa public
and then\paving
--
time
last
War Labor Board wes fhe
same a the
makes
overf
ge
;
o
w
have
t
Lan!
u
o
y
t
bu
all
have
bo
going
fre
ia
$10,000,
those
--
sagofitices
. y no-strike ple
t
o
w
E
*
e
a
o
h
t
e
l
i
c
n
o
c
e
r
f
y
o
v
d
l
u
co
A
Theg Sl aenke
agi
any stxkx
you won! ¢ mY
fhstice
get
reason
strikese
rig
If Pe % ou
a
yea
odh
of
ppesrdless
the pledge,
strikes,
will have
gos justink tres
haven't
becky se ut
the
fundemental
a
ae
between-a”
mh
=~
hae RL
RE
eel
eo
ak
Lm LM ERT
LAC
b
LS OG LUETS
ee
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ee tee,
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Nene Ie
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eT
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ee
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sNpbiity without
is that you can have industriel
ye? LeeAGK
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oe
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rere Tie CREA
RYE TS
area
Be Veeec.
Snr: Syne
wriS
Me
wg
fi
as
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ri
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Cm
¢
b
i
on economic
and ok quo
ee
you've £ bot to do 4
pais
nee
many
ON
Be eases
un
thg imme
remove
fan4
pgcaouse if you
of strikes,
caufes
youftenove the
agh't
to talk abgut how can
yf got
stop fers
all
fF "tyeong-strike
Lf
in thé world
Droseus
will be 2
“now isg hot no-strike pledges,
Mennee
z
if
’
When
Pye
__.|
b
Ge
sae can
hg!
"wy
Q But
labor's
you
can
only
definition
A
that's
proposing
have
of
that
of
definition
peace
peace
Wilson
Mr.
CS.
his
@
differs
¢an
you
one
have
fi
TE
ha
termse
YPntez
ERPS
ore
REAR
term and
others.
fellow's
justice?
is proposing -- he's
, <doos''t™ lave” in tegrity,
Spo
aE
from
by accepting
how
justice,
what
abstract
is a very
justice
economic
# is
Farrer
I
shirt
changes8his
and
air-condjtioned
an
and
a mehogany dask,
formation
he's
a papye
over
sits/
and/ wx& down
in
to
chair fap
pulB a
a trans
suddenly he has ndde
+=
cofmunication
spiritual
divine
Jome
by
goes
and / xm
office,
shavd@s
Hotel, unpacks ,
Shoreham
the
at
in
checks,
Rm
representative.
men do that evexfy day when they
labe
oF go they
ates / throw anne | fei their connec
come down here?
If you
becoke impartial | seetebeieac
tions and Mx
it,
do
to
sere
&
—
hat
|
COLE
/Raers “- ORDER SK MGI
Weis have confidence
Don, t the
Q
10.41O 15
ha
all
eR,
f
you
Why can't /mx have the \same donf idence that busiBut
in
a meeting
--
whéther
Amn
it
~
we
war,
enough
I nay
= \, be recalcitrant
a
he
man
a laboring
under
or
business want \
Well, t'vd tried
A
to
opposed
7 _~
definition,
he i o/s
said/that
point sof
the
I am
but
rhe t same
whether
all
yoy ‘eet
it/out,
work
I have
wouldn't.
hey
couldnst
Pat
your
where
one
just
having
ne
can
you
gt
fi
Same ;Anin
said
I haven't
A
view
the
do
will
men
ness
to
say
out,
we
faith
in
did
the
well.
ahasinely
and
1d yalty
\
last
the
that \during
common
the
ani the integrity and the mmxmm sense
patriotism
--
I Welere
Q
Except
at
the
it's
the
Shoreham
case
possible
of
the
and becomes
bt A
-business
man
who
a government
:
registers
officializs
re
ae
aan
FORD
~—
$s as
No,
A
he,
7
and
man
one
thet
to
over
ALYY
all
we ="
where
setup
the
I challenge
—
pefresents eyery-
in
s
me
co
é
.u
en
wh
it
ce
fi
ie
al
ch
t
vody,But I don'
got
Zo
etl
iL
13
2
;
came
he
a
from
meeting
of
this
mobilization
Now,
the
from
is
in
involved
problems
cap-
program.
to
collecting
higher
income
as
or from
in Aner ane
superman
the complex
able
Q
one
whether
before,
agriculture,
industry,
no
that
college,
I said
not.
labor,
"one man"
another
with
union?
a labor
Absolutely
Wo.
A
satisfied
from
he came
if
—_
a
:
Se
you be
Would
-—{|Q
oe
—hs
7
Sai
as
taxes,
more
groups,
you
propose,
intend
if you don't
d
ul
co
w
ho
0,
00
0,
$1
e
ov
ab
me
co
to confiscate all ix
you
/
collect
enough taxes?
A a,
tex xmk yields
OF dakeStud
corporations.
less
than $3 billion.
We believe
that out of current
corporation
Uiiehesame-
and
a realistic
profits,
somewhere between
to yield
billion.
We think that ‘ths
i
excess-profits
equitable
tax ought
bey
present
The
take
foe's
:
seal
{
$8 and $10
represents
fair
share
We believe
also
the
of
the
that
\
\
the
law
tax
the
to
ought
ax
whereby a huspand
ae den
.
g
n
i
t
t
i
l
p
s
e
m
o
c
n
i
l
a
e
p
e
r
u
Qand Wowuilfde yo
can make a joint return?
A:
Yes,
they ought
to repeal
plugged
be
the spldtting
of the
t
rp
fi
gs
in
th
t
rs
fi
do
tj
ve
ha
_tpeiiie we
4
l
ve
le
l
ra
de
fe
e
th
a&
g
in
th
e
dp th
.
4 the bulk of the problem Sgists.
ee
ee
shst everybody
pre to be free .
‘-
and nopody"tammergud about that.
Tat means frog
ito the bottom\of Whe economi@ ladder.
Ls
ke q) ) | SP
loopholes
in
]& kicking aout °
living pwfswiers
ihr
befere
they
are
cutting seriously into\the
BeBx),
standards
seriously
of {he
low income
cutt Sng
to
in
the
dar&g of luxtry of the upper inckme group.
TW
Pie
Hija Under
Be
ti@pmgsent
ae
e
l
b
u
o
r
t
a
h
t
t
a
h
t
k
We thin
ioiff”
now is that they are
y
abifi
their
3 sedpon
Hrery-
law,
everything
ge oul
‘
sta
4
isn t being
)
i
ty
ya
A,
@'done
youtstill
woulgn
Soe
jt)
ater
i.
(
-39-
limit
for
I would
A
annual
in
be
favor
of
you
Do
salaries.
the
favor
that?
Cort
$25,000. éip—
man than
“management
sf
i rt
Py
‘supp
Ube
a,
Rak ied
aR Pas
in one
Do you think
bracket?
TR
you would
3
eg
place
Sek et
O
i
‘
ee
:
Ee
lity have a li
ing nothing
Nixlae tf
to
co cy
—0—
A
I just
integrity
hen
believe
in
and
intelligence
the
the
good
will,
of
I Would much rather see them
ruta
Q
of
my
But \ou
country
oneman
President
is
the
12 men
and
decide what the
t
/one
doesmxk
and
man.
de dide
today
- the
decidese—
A That ign t true.
Q
Mr.
Wilsen
wouldn't
Truman
vantey
to remove nid.
A
I'm aware
to
dekexx
bf
that,
dele
ate
cisions ,I would
delegated
Q
What
to
last) 10
—
mach
rat, her
12} men
The
the
practical
kind
A
How
of
is fis
®
flat
cision
Bat
in
the
ecrats
make
these
see
that
authority
de-
Wilsqn
is thet ,if ae
I am
thef
an 8 the
President
Do | you
we y should
wos ; made
net
oS
Lows v
dovy
think
the
by
ia
the
The
12
the
poliady?
President
on how
of
much
practical
de-
Wilson.
decil jion
line.
makes
decision
ex jpenat
echelons with
the
proposing ,the
thépol icy.
doesn'f.
mank
Q
to
to 12 men- vhat's the
tnt tegsterp . makes\ pene
steel
has
delegation via Mr.
4 Hrerence
setup
could
WNo,he
the
President
differe a of there?
men would make
-Q
if Mr.
thay ine man.
to 12 men and ditectfy
A
the
anthey be
aitterenge
practical
hs
seconds
was
probably
a little
But| the
made
group
practical
of bureat
point
is
a
f%
‘that
for
the
President
:
that tect
of
tle
decision.
UjIni ted
States
Un ler your
is responsible
plan here's
e
-41-
commit
\
By{ emt
you called
the
the
here
—- nobody
puts
him
gi legats
But
Q
he 1 ban
A Obviously,
change
can
Mr.
like
t
doeg
he
if
All
cannpt
too,
reverse
can
he
a decision
should
I say 1s | there
he
but
4
change
Yitson,
people.
the
amithority
oe!
iw
rath
Constitution
”
Eve away
he can
by
eled ted
]a
there and
I said,
As
- the
reflove nit m
can
up
President
the
Hed e's
connittee./
Policy
be unde
would
man
one
\ e
On policy matter é Nh
man.
in one
function
other
ca
9,
12 =
of
a Board
in
one
put
and
two
President separath ; Diss
that
proposing
am
xwrps
functt .ONe fh
administrative
the
and
function
a ao aif ng
the
both
Wilson
Mr.
give
to
setup
people
the
of
functions
pregent
the
chose ana
He
mem
the
delegate
to
authority
;
the
law,has
The Pi esident ,under the
No.
A
whatever
hie
would
people
se
tn
Then
Q
amoral
his ,
cate
cannot e bdi-
the Presifent
As 1 \seid before,
A
\
they?
wouldn't
economy,
the planned
for
be the final anthotity
‘They pus
plan.
your
t vader
the raenee
by
no review
have
You would
decision.
to a
the de President
would
and
decisions
the
make
would
that
board
He
the |gommittee.
you” 4 NOWe
2
be
committee
a Rolicy
e
th
t
en
th
vi
rdu
r,
te
ra
nt
ai
ui
pd
|.
’
and one man as
to
power
Par
"
er" vr
er
tara
jolicies.
make
e
ey earn
tra
Yr
aerper
ere
aera
o
Ba BO
Oo
.
Me a
We
Be
ANY Oe ee BA
a
+
Fe oe BS
:
FS,
*
it.
« be os
Q
Would
the
you
present
phe
say
whether
political
Ser yey p
responsi
they
rex esent.
to
are
satisfied
with
parties?
heven-e—sense-of
profess
you
y to carry
Failing
to
out what
do
that,
Geen
/Q
that
What
for
about
this
nationalization?
Would
you favor
country?
onalization.
I any tn : faver
«
then
of ‘ie Government
Pee
ake Re
—_
aS
nalization.
(END)
} am for
ee
defense
effort?
I believe that,
A
despite the current
and t
y
t
i
s
s
e
c
e
n
f
o
t
s
u
m
e
w
,
g
n
i
v
a
h
e
r
a
e
w
difficulties
en
be
s
ha
s
n
o
i
s
s
u
c
s
i
d
t
n
e
c
in the re
t
public?
A
c
n
a
t
s
r
e
d
n
u
y
l
l
a
r
e
n
e
g
s
r
e
m
u
s
n
o
c
t
a
h
t
k
n
I thi
position.
Of course,
to
e
d
a
m
n
e
e
b
s
ha
t
p
m
e
t
t
a
the
s
a
w
y
s
r
e
v
o
r
t
n
o
c
t
n
e
s
e
r
p
e
h
t
t
a
h
t
r
a
e
p
p
a
it
e
mak
r
e
p
90
h
t
u
r
t
in
n
e
h
w
j
;
s
e
g
a
w
r
e
v
o
e
n
o
y
l
l
a
i
t
n
e
s
s
e
cent of the wage
.
l
o
r
t
n
o
c
price
e
v
i
t
c
e
f
f
e
of
k
c
a
l
e
h
t
is
m
e
l
b
o
pr
It is
dangerot
with
A
labor?
But the
st.
fir
ps
ste
st
fir
e
tak
to
got
You've
is: what
question
ought to be the first
step?
in
ge
wa
ng
vi
li
f-o
st
co
ur
ho
r
pe
s
nt
ce
5
a
ed
iv
rece
erease
r
be
em
pt
Se
of
ek
we
t
rs
fi
e
th
in
cost-of-living
1950.
adjustment merely reflected
That
the fact
c
n
i
d
a
h
s
e
c
i
r
p
e
t
a
d
t
a
h
t
e
r
o
f
e
b
s
y
a
d
0
9
that
s
t
n
e
c
5
a
y
f
i
t
s
u
j
to
y
l
sufficient
December,
Again,
1950 we received another
wage
incre
3 cents
in wages.
d
e
v
o
m
d
a
h
s
e
c
i
r
p
t
a
h
d
t
e
t
a
c
i
d
n
i
y
l
e
this mer
and wages
were adjusted
90 day
up
«inn
another
we received
justment.
ad-
cost-of-living
5 cents
s
a
e
r
c
n
i
e
g
a
w
t
a
h
t
y
a
s
Now, you can't
t
n
e
in
m
e
v
o
m
e
h
r
t
e
t
f
s
a
y
a
d
w
o
90
l
l
o
h
f
c
i
h
w
es
the cost-of-living
ind
x are responsible for
|
pushing the index upward.
But
Q
not
all workers
are in the auto
industry—
and not all are covered by escalator clauses.
Some
have gotten direct raises.
The fact
A
is that the overall wage aevemuts
has
been @@MM® slower than the price movement.
Q@
You mean since Korea?
A
It is true not only since
it is true
in
There is no question about
the period before Korea.
that.
Korea —
Now let's compare the increase in profits with
se
ea
cr
in
ll
bi
ge
wa
l
ta
to
e
th
,
50
19
of
quarter
The
per cent while profits went up 97 per cent.
r
te
ea
gr
s
me
ti
34
an
th
re
s
mo
wa
s.
it
of
pr
in
se
increa
than the increase
in wages.
r,
wa
e
th
ng
ri
du
wn
do
ld
he
re
we
s
it
of
pr
But
Q
wages kept rising up.
and
Prices were controlled dur-
ing the war.
A,
You talk about
profits
being
hel d down
—
General
0
.0
00
,0
00
,0
11
,8
$1
de
ma
ar
ye
st
la
n
Moters Corporatio
before taxes.
They made 86 per cent on their invest-
in
r
ei
th
on
nt
ce
r
pe
40
de
ma
ey
th
s;
xe
ta
re
ment befo
sly
vestment after taxes;
and they made $1.37 in prof-
its for envy dollar they paid in wages.
of wages?
Q
$1.37 in profit for every $1.00
A
That's
Q
After taxes?
A
Before taxes —- wages are paid before taxes.
right.
eral Motors had paid its wage bill, its
material bill and after it had paid for all other
operating expenses,
of executives,
including salaries
they made $1.37 in profit for every $1.00 they paid
|
in wages.
Take the General Electric
well teo.
Its
it did pretty
Company —
total wage and salary bill for 1950
was 12 per cent higher
than 1949 while the profits
49
19
om
fr
nt
ce
r
pe
38
up
nt
we
of General Electric
to 1950.
?
ey
th
t
n'
ve
ha
,
up
ne
go
ve
ha
@ But weekly earnings
A
that over—time
It is obvious
hours
and a
work week increased he weekly earnings.
a worker takes
with what
The im
home but what he is able to
he takes
the cost-of-living
a 10 year
longer
period,
home.
In the
auto
index because we
that auto workers
industry
learned
gain appr > Lm
ately 66 cents per hour in money wages but only
a-
That is why our membership has
ciple of the cost-of-living escalator Garints
cause we found
be-
that time and time again we were
fighting to win wooden nickels that wouldn'
thing at the
| yooiiang
cratic
ef our free society is to find a demoow
me ns of achieving a balance between
ability to create increased wealth and our abil:
In other words,
to consume that increased wealth.
power
we must achieve a balance between productive
and
purchasing
power.
That
unsolved
is the biggest
have.
men
free
that
problem
Q
The defense organization has accepted your cost—
of-living
formula.
What is the objection
of labor?
A fe The Wage Stabilization Bo
the
labor
members
to disassociate
h caused
themselves
from the
Board wiatwA did not provide for operation of the costof-living
provement
escalator clause
clause.
nor the annual wage im
s
e
c
e
n
it
d
n
u
o
f
n
o
t
s
n
h
Wr. Eric Jo
tl
n
ai
rt
ce
am
I
gh
ou
th
al
ed
lv
so
re
en
be
t
no
yet
will be approved
in advance of the effective
which is June 1, 1959.
Mr. Johnstor
e
v
i
t
c
e
f
f
e
is
e
s
u
a
l
c
the escalator
on
date
30, 195¢, which is the date the Defense
tion Act expires.
The status of the escalator
date ioe
re
or moral economic
Q
We feel there is no sound ,
basis
You don't think,
Mir.
for disturbing
Reuther,
like this the escalator clauses
that.
that at a time
are built-in
inflation?
A
Wo —
for the simple reason as I have stated,
wage adjustments
that result
of the cost-of-living
the movement
price
you object to farm
Q
A
in the
clauses
No.
from the operation.
lag 90 days behind
index.
parity’
We are in favor of farmers receiving
We believe
that
the basic
parity.
problem must be met by
g
n
i
k
a
e
r
b
f
o
y
a
w
ive
alesse
ment between farm prices and industrial prices./ The
inflationary chain reaction is broken, farm prices
will never reach parity and wages will never
catch up with the cost of living.
Q
meat
on
subsidy
a
that
We were told, though,
alone would cost 6 billion dollars.
A
I don't think that is a correct
ed
ow
sh
r
wa
st
la
e
th
in
e
nc
ie
figure.
that for every dolla
s
r
a
l
l
o
d
5
d
ve
sa
u
yo
m
a
r
g
you put inte a subsidy pro
olf
at the consumer
sumer,
wife
end.
When you talk about the cor
you are not only talking
—- you are also
talking
about the house-
about
the government
riod of mobilization
.
l
l
a
f
o
r
e
m
u
s
n
o
c
+
ers have a lot of factors in their production
—
l
ro
nt
co
no
ve
ha
ey
th
h
ic
wh
er
ov
processes
as weather,
etc.
Subsidies
are the best
means
such
of
e
il
wh
es
ic
pr
er
gh
hi
t
ns
ai
ag
protecting the consumer
at
th
es
ic
pr
ir
fa
s
er
rm
fa
ng
vi
gi
at the same time
oduction of foodstuffs and
Korean emergency
e
r
e
w
h
c
i
h
w
s
e
r
u
s
s
e
r
p
e
h
t
and all
-g—
g
n
i
v
i
l
f
o
t
s
o
c
e
h
t
t
of
n
e
m
e
upward mov
in
in-
e
d
u
t
i
t
t
a
c
i
s
a
b
e
h
t
e
g
n
a
h
c
t
o
n
d
i
d
s
i
h
T
dex.
of our
ge
wa
ng
vi
li
f-o
st
co
e
th
to
t
ec
sp
re
union with
We have
clause.
workers
said all along
that every time the
,
se
au
cl
r
to
la
ca
es
e
th
in
get a nickel
inereases
wash
paid in the wooden nickels of
are being
r
te
af
f
of
er
tt
be
no
is
er
rk
wo
e
th
e
inflation becaus
receiving
them than he was before.
If prices were
a
a
s
r
e
k
r
o
w
d
n
a
l
o
r
t
n
o
c
r
e
d
n
u
t
h
g
u
o
r
b
adjustments
fmder
are better off,
in fact,
eff,
our escalator clause,
our workers
er
tt
be
e
ar
s
me
co
in
d
xe
fi
th
wi
people
everyone
is better off.
.
fe
li
of
s
ct
fa
c
i
m
o
n
o
c
e
e
l
p
m
i
s
e
th
understand
They
r
ei
th
in
is
ch
mu
w
ho
&
é
n
know the important thing is
is
at
th
wh
y
wi
bu
n
a
c
s
e
v
i
w
r
i
e
h
t
t
a
h
w
t
bu
k
c
e
h
c
y
pa
in their pay check.
Q
But in an unccord
very difficult
and very
comp.
n
o
i
t
a
z
i
l
i
b
o
m
s
i
h
t
up
g
n
i
t
t
e
s
n
i
t
a
h
t
e
v
e
I beli
gram,
we should
not
rely on
any one
superman,
probe-
how well-intentioned
~9ob
pr
x
le
mp
co
e
es
th
l
al
to
s
er
sw
man knows the an
rse, that one man must be
in charge of the administrative aspects of the
program.
We do not advocate the kind of two-
k
in
th
not
do
we
-OPM
r
de
un
had
we
al
im
an
ed
head
on Oe
Q. Hasn't Truman done that - hasn't he applied
that kind of principle
A.
;
?
135 Ved Are order
He's ont an advisory
nobody really knows what
board
Serrweg
of
of some kind,
it is.
Q.
Could Wilson be on this policy committee ?
A.
Yes
Q.
In our interview two weeks ago with Charles
could even
-— he
be Chairman.
he said almost your words
E. Wilson,
-- he said
he has in mind the appointing of an over-all
policy
A.
committee.
Mr.
Wilson
of some kind.
Bi: that about your idea ?
an advisory committee
is suggesting
I suppose what he has in mind is
that he will have an advisory
culture,
for industry and he will
one for labor,
in when
call them
problem on which he
he has a
wants to consult them.
Q.
No, he speaks of an over-all advisory group.
A.
What
I am proposing is not an advisory
committee.
s
I'm proposing a policy board ~- it functionin
exactly the same way as a board
corporation.
question,
of directors
‘no
Mr.” Wilson was the head of the General
they had a basic policy
ompany.
But when
whether
to ex anc
plant
capacity,
to move
a new field of activity
or some other basic
policy decision, Mr. Wilson,
as President of the
into
General Electric Company,
by himself.
Such
did not make
decisions
such decisions
undoubtedly were made
by the board of directors. _
in
die
problems
applying
controls
of war mobilization and
in a free economy are
infinitely more difficult and complex than any
of the
problem that the Board of Directors
General Electric Comps i ever took on.
as General Electric has a boa
to handle
its basic
policy
dust
4 of directors
problems,
America needs a board of directors
I think
handle
the far more difficult and complicated problems
of the defense mobilization.
Q.
Would that require a change in the statute?
mut Lhe President under the
A. No.
Defense Production Act has authority to create
the machinery needed to implement the purposes
of the Act.
Q.
Then this
group that you speak of ‘would
have to go back,
anyway, to the President for
confirmation or approval or disapproval?
A.
The President can delegate the same
authority to such a Mobilization
as he has delegated to Mr. Wilson.
could retain the
I propose
Mr, Wilson
strative authority but
not the sole power to make policy.
words,
Policy Board
In other
separating the two fmetions.
Certainly whoever is the head of the administrative
end of the vepitliannsinn program ought
either as a member
to sit on the Policy
Board,
or as the Chairman.
But once the
has made a decision,
he would be responsible
for earrying
it out.
Policy Board
—
How does that differ from what we had in
Q.
©
World War IT?
in World War
stages
We went through man)
A.
II but we never had the kind of over-all policy
We need this kind of
board that I am proposing.
Board today more than
;
the problems
ever because
that we face now are more difficult than the
kind of problems we faced when we were in total
We are deal~
conversion and total mobilization.
ing now ‘ith the complex problem of superimposing
large
scale defense
production on a civilian
plant capacity is
economy in which manpower
almost fully employed.
When we're talking about defending democracy in
challenge
of the
if we could draw into a top mobiliza-
policy
important
No one can
it.
or the soundness
the validity
fact that,
tion
got to apply
we've
the world,
hoard
the
economic
best
group
r
e
t
t
e
b
e
v
i
y
g
l
collective
minds
in
from
,
America
every
d
l
u
o
c
y
e
h
t
y
c
i
l
o
p
o
p
t
i
h
s
leader
LAAL Htink, 9
uestions than any one man| thoever he may be.
y
t
i
r
o
j
a
m
a
by
e
d
i
b
a
to
Q. Would everybody have
decision in that kind of plan ?
A,
Qe
Certainly.
What
if
you
coulen't
get
agree
:
n
o
i
t
s
a
Bo
z
i
l
i
b
a
t
e
S
g
a
W
e
h
t
n
o
t
i
t
t
e
'
g
n
did
A.
If you get top men who have real appreciation
of what our basic problems
are, you will find
uktn
n
o
m
m
o
c
a
,
e
k
a
t
d
n
a
e
v
i
g
f
o
s
s
e
c
o
r
p
e
h
t
out, by
o
m
m
o
c
a
d
n
i
f
l
l
i
w
y
e
h
t
m
a
r
g
pro
around which
they can work.
arises where
that
1 demominator
If an occasion
of course,
then,
isn't true,
the majority has to decide.
In the case of the Wage Stabilization
Board.
t
en
di
pe
ex
s
wa
at
th
g
in
th
e
th
g
in
do
re
we
they
and not the thing that was right.
Instead of
evaluating all the economic factors of the
situation and then trying to miaieat
present
a wage
factors,
policy to meet those
public
the
|
nt
ce
r
pe
9
a
th
wi
up
me
ca
s
er
nb
me
industry
They
figure which was completely arbitrary.
thought 9 per cent would cover the escalator
clauses.
In the morning they had a 9 per cent
figure.
In the evening they had a 10 per cont
figure.
10
to
9
om
fr
nt
we
ey
th
on
as
re
ly
on
The
't
dn
ul
wo
nt
ce
r
pe
9
e
th
d
un
fo
ey
th
s
wa
per cent
d
an
se
au
cl
r
to
la
ca
es
rs
to
Mo
l
ra
ne
cover the Ge
some of the other escalator clauses.
the BLS index an
Then when
issued femmumgty they found
. that 10 per cent wouldn't
do it and Mr. Eric
Johnston had to issue a new order.
No such maneuvering
based upon expediency
n.
io
at
iz
il
ab
st
ge
wa
r
fo
s
si
ba
d
un
so
a
provides
It is impractical,
unworkable
and unjust
to
attempt to stabilize wages without first controlling
the cost of living.
.
:
Any such stabilization
program must permit the
0
1
t
n
e
s
e
r
p
he
‘T
.
s
e
i
t
i
u
q
e
n
i
e
g
a
w
of
t
n
e
m
t
s
u
j
ad
e
v
i
t
u
c
e
0
x
0
E
0
,
0
0
1
s
$
t
a
i
m
r
e
e
p
z
e
e
per cent wage fr
t
i
m
r
e
p
t
no
s
e
o
d
t
bu
e
s
a
e
r
e
n
i
to receive a $10,000
—
e
v
i
e
c
e
r
to
r
u
o
h
r
pe
a worker receiving 50 cents
a 6 cents
Under
per hour inerease.
|
the Wage
e
s
a
e
r
c
n
i
0
0
0
,
0
1
$
e
th
,
y
c
i
l
o
p
s
'
d
r
a
o
B
n
Stabilizatio
- while the 6 cents per hour
is inflationary.
Q.
d
r
a
o
B
y
c
i
l
o
P
t
a
h
t
on
be
d
l
u
o
w
y
n
a
m
How
thi
you suggest ?
A.
I'd say two or three from each group.
ro 12 people altogether.
Q.
e
r
y
a
p
e
h
t
n
o
e
b
e
l
p
Would those peo
individual groups or be government
disassociated from their respective groups?
A.
then
to serve full time,
If they were required
on the government
I think they should
payroll.
Q.
Wouldn't you be better off to have a public
group, then, without the fellows that have
,
connections?
A.
The purpose of having industry, labor, farers
and the public is to be able to draw upon, Specialized experience of each : group,
a different backz
Gach group having
ound and different point of view, —
has a unique contribution to make.
fm
the po oling
+.
the
blending
What wa need is
ef these
various
» 16«
points of view to give us unity of purpose and
An all-public group would lack a lot of
action.
that
experience
industry,
and labor
agriculture
would bring to the Policy Board.
on trading
between
groups te ,
the
Q-
Did you plan
A.
I do not consider this a matter where you are
get the best agreement ?
going to bargain.
Q.
Can labor members of that
oard act independently,
or are they going to have to follow the policy laid
|
down by those making the policy?
A.
War,
in the last war on the Wev@efet
I served
|
Manpc
mmission, which within the limited field of manpower, was similar to what
Q.
Nowadays,
Committee
in the
however,
I am proposing.
the United Labor Policy : : |
has forced all the labor representatives
government
to get off and they all meekly
got off the various defense
management
that labor,
agencies.
How are you
and agriculture were able
to think through the basic issues and o me up with
agreement
problems.
on sound polic ies relating to mobilization
The Wage Stabilization Board was operating
on the basis
wages
of expediency and attempted to control
rigidly at a time when prices
were not effectively
controlled.
and profits
Every housewife
d.
au
fr
a
as
ze
ee
fr
e
ic
pr
d
le
al
-c
so
ses the
a
The price of Cadillacs was rolled back and the
price of serap iron was eut $10 per ton, but
the cost of food,
clothing and other necessities
continued to rise.
These are the facts that
the crisis
precipitated
in the Wage Stabilisation
oblem of wages has
hip to the
problem of profits?
A. You cannot talk about wages without talking
about profits.
And you canne t talk about prices
without talking about wages and profits.
s
t
i
~
f
o
r
g
p
n
no
i
k
a
m
is
o
w
h
o
w
l
l
e
f
e
t
u
th
o
b
t
a
a
Q. Wh
less wages then?
ay d
heupl
sho
sompanies where they
I know lots
of
don't have any profits and
where they can't cut wages ~-
A. The facts are that the profits
of Am
corporations are at an all-time high, running at
a rate of 48 billion dollar
a year before
taxes
or double the record profits of the war years.
Q. But, as a principle,
d
you think organized labor
would favor lower wage scales in compan
are not making profits?
A. Organized labor is not prepared to subsidize
Q. In other words, you take the position that when
an industry loses money,
that's
ineffieiency?
You
r
ito
pet
com
the
be
may
it
t
tha
on
iti
pos
the
e
don't tak
to
him
g
in
rc
fo
's
at
th
ly
po
no
mo
big
the
h
wit
e
ov
al
up
the wall?
Under the anti-trust
laws we prosecute
eT
a ye eee
Peer
.
y
t
i
c
r
a
c
s
c
i
m
o
n
o
c
e
g
n
i
up by creat
.
s
t
i
f
o
r
p
h
g
i
h
d
an
s
e
c
i
high pr
Q
d
e
t
r
e
c
n
o
c
g
bi
a
t
go
Then you've
moveme
nigh wage levels in some
t
ou
go
or
e
ic
pr
at
th
et
me
to
fellow has got
doesn't
of business,
A
he?
The fact remains that the total wage
tion profits in that same period have gone up
97 per cent. ‘The National City Bank report
0
5
9
1
o
t
9
4
9
1
m
o
r
f
t
n
e
c
r
e
p
5
3
n
a
of more th
Q
But people
d
n
e
p
s
o
y
t
e
n
o
h
m
c
u
m
o
o
t
e
v
m
?
y
e
h
t
t
'
n
e
r
a
,
w
o
n
h
g
i
wages are very h
o
o
t
e
v
a
h
e
l
p
o
e
p
e
l
t
t
i
l
e
h
t
t
a
h
t
y
r
o
e
h
t
r
u
o
Y
A
much wages
and too much spe
nding power and are
come families out of the market
for homes and other
consumer
oss
-¥9A.
We must protect the consumer by having
Q
as a policy group
Do you think 12 men sitting
can handle all those problems?
A
I think 12 men can do a better job than one
man because I'll trust the wisdom of 12 men —
that's
I don't think
we have a democracy.
any one man is equal te this task.
whether he comes from inc ustry,
I don't care
labor,
agriculture
or from some university.
A
De you think these 12 men would agree?
A
I think that they can work out policy.
I was
r
o
i
s
s
i
r
m
e
m
w
o
o
C
p
n
a
r
M
e
Wa
r
e
th
i
-l
r
a
y
e
g
sa
n
to
i
y
r
t
labor representatives,
agricultural representatives,
and a public chairman ~- and we worked out a practical manpower
program,
and we didn't get in there
and bargain with each other.
We all recognized
that there was a national interest that transcended
the interest of the groups
G
participating.
You knew manpower - but you couldn't delegate
te that group from labor and agriculture the know
ledge of how to operate the credit controls of
America. and let them be the final court of last
in the country on credit.
Q
Why can't this committee
and Mr.
A
report to ! T's
Wilson
Wilson report to the President?
Then you have Kr. Wilson above the Policy Board
Now whe decides what's policy and
tive authority.
what's aduinistrative powe:
A
Sverybody who knows
big organization knows
anything
there are distinet differ
ences between policy decisions
administrative
And I'm saying that that 1
decisions.
ne of de-
mareation can be drawn without any confusier
pounding out basic polic
wes what you're talki
Q
What if the President doesn't approve
Policy Board and leaves Wilson in his position,
what then?
telligent,
the most constructive and the most effect-
ive approach.
I'm not trying to speculate on what
someone might do.
Q
Is this your orzanization's proposal?
A
c;
li
Po
r
bo
La
ed
it
Un
e
th
r
fo
re
he
ng
ki
ea
sp
t
no
I'm
Committee.
I'm saying that if I ioe ciel the question
erica or a free people can best get on with the
“23job of mobilizing their material resources and
their human resources and
tavping
the spiritual
power that they have, I would say that this kind of
machinery lends
itself better to the achievment of
that task than the one-man setup that we how have.
That is your personal view, then’
Q
A ‘That! @ right.
|
But doesn't labor and business and agriculture
think that this is a near-war rather than an actual
war?
A
It's a get-rich-quick period,
That isn't
true
so far as labor
is that it?
is soncerned
because the policy staterent of the United Labor
u
d
an
y
l
r
a
e
l
c
y
r
e
v
d
i
a
ttee s
that we are in favor of and are prepa
@ program of wage stabilization.
wage
Sut we said that
stabilization had to be a part of a total”
over-all program.
Wow,
you can't
say that we're
trying to get rich -- we don't want to get rich -~
Q
If you did get this committee, would you then
have a no-strike pledge
able policy.
given by labor?
Talk about a no-strike pledge aap in
the light of the facts, with prices and
r
Ble
Q
s
i
h
t
r
e
t
f
a
I meant
eperation,
would
commission
had been
|
you then have a no-stris
?
e
c
i
f
i
r
c
a
s
of
y
t
i
l
a
u
q
e
ep
to ke
A
l
i
b
a
t
S
ge
Wa
e
th
in
n
o
i
t
c
e
S
I'm for a Disputes
o
n
e
v
a
h
l
l
i
w
u
o
y
,
e
c
i
t
s
u
j
g
n
i
t
t
e
g
e
r
a
that they
strikes.
y
e
h
t
l
e
e
f
y
e
h
t
f
i
,
d
n
a
h
On the other
are being denied justice,
you will have strikes
<i
of a no-strike pledge.
regardless
state,
it is pessible to achieve industrial
stability without
however,
In a police
In
justice.
industrial
stability
a free society,
is possible only
if it rests upon a foundation of economic
and
social justice.
and
m
ter
ct
ra
st
ab
ry
ve
a
conomic justice is
labor's definition of that differs from others.
you can only
have
peace by accepting
definition of justice,
A.
If
one fellow's
how can you have justice?
s
he'
-g
in
os
op
pr
is
on
ls
Wi
Mr.
at
wh
's
at
Th
.
s
m
r
e
t
s
i
h
n
o
e
c
a
e
p
g
n
i
s
o
p
o
r
p
d
l
u
o
h
s
n
o
s
r
e
p
Wo one
be permitted to
Q.
r
e
h
t
o
"one
man"
if
n
a
h
t
i
w
d
e
i
f
s
i
Would you be sat
he came from a labor union?
A.
No.
I said
Absolutely not.
justry,
agriculture,
or from a
rman in America is capabl.
.
n
o
i
l
l
i
b
3
$
n
a
h
t
s
s
e
l
s
d
l
e
i
y
profits tax
f
o
t
u
o
that
curren’
We believe
ww
»
d
l
e
i
y
to
t
h
g
u
o
x
a
t
s
t
i
f
o
r
p
s
s
e
c
x
e
e
l
b
a
t
i
u
q
e
and
x
a
t
l
a
t
o
t
e
h
t
of
e
r
a
h
s
r
i
that represents the fa
lead which
corporations
ought
g
ou
w
a
l
x
a
t
e
h
t
in
s
e
l
o
h
p
o
o
l
e
h
t
t
a
h
believe t
Q
a
y
b
e
r
e
h
w
g
n
i
t
t
i
l
p
s
e
m
o
c
Would you repeal in
husband
A
and wife
can make a joint return?
Yes they ought to repeal the split income
provision which allows well-to-de
families
to
escape paying billions of dollars in taxes.
Q
Would you say whether you are satisfied with
the pressnt political parties?
A
TI have
said for
a long time what we really
Qe
?
y
r
t
n
u
s
i
o
t
r
h
c
a
fo t
th
A.
i
t
a
r
o
n
f
v
o
a
f
n
t
i
o
n
m
a
I
.
n
o
i
t
a
z
i
l
a
on
.
y
t
c
i
i
c
m
y
r
o
l
a
n
o
c
o
p
s
d
c
o
n
e
n
a
so
I am mm
d
r
a
offe
n
e
t
o
‘To of
t
k
r
i
y
e
n
t
e
r
h
r
e
i
n
e
o
t
t
s
a
r
n
s
i
c
f
u
e
i
s
d
n
r
i
n
i
Ame
.
g
n
i
s
i
r
p
ter
Wh
a private
industry refuses
to
nd productive
capacity to meet the needs of our nation,
the Government
I favor
as the agency of the people teking
what steps are necessary to see that economic
defécits
are met.
in point.
present emergency,
ying
the people of America are
the price of the steel industry's refusal
to expand.
We cannot tolerate
any prbévate
economic decisions which threaten the security
of our nat:
?
\
v
/
e
t
n
o
n
o
s
e
r
u
o
e
s
i
d
r
a
p
o
e
j
mn and witch
|
s
n
o
i
t
c
i
r
t
s
e
r
l
a
i
c
i
f
i
t
r
a
g
n
welfare; I am for endi
abundance.
What if we get a great deflation?
Ae
If we are to make freedom secure in the world
free men must learn how to organize their
life so as to achieve full-employ:
uction and full distribution,
int,
economi
full—prod
uninterrupted
by
to the world that it fs possible to achieve a
full measure of economic security without sacrifici
political or spiritual
freedom.
the world that we can mobilize
We must prove to
our econom
and our productive power making the good things of
to forge the weapons
of war.
Phe
ee ,
"WHAT
CAN
BEST
STOP
SOVIET
AGGRESSION?"
now underlies
debate
on all
things from MacArthur to movie-making.
5ix federalist leaders answer "world government" (page 14).
So does Walter Reuther, and adds economic aid (page 9). Reuther
drove
but
Communists
argues
from
forcefully
World Movement's
for
Rome
self-liquidating.
Pope
Pius XII,
clares
leadership
"nothing
is
including
Congress
in
long
more
in his
in
is
United
Russia
Auto
Workers
in a world
well-attended,
union,
government.
constructive
and
audience
with
Congress
conformity
with
the traditional doctrine
of the Church" than "an
effective
political
delegates,
organization
world"
of
(page
Paul
de-
the
<r3)..
Shipman An-
drews
terms
Rome
“an
important
milestone"
in Movement's development (page 4).
leader
World
Hjalmar
membership
both
must
Riiser-Larsen
Movement,
Agitation
succeeding
for a more
for
of Norway is elected president of the
Lora
effective
question.
Jawaharlal Nehru
argue
Noted explorerand
military and business
and
admitting
the
Boyd
UN
Orr
centers
American
all
(page
nations
on
Approach
first
(page
of General
Membership
(page
National
"rededication"
Executive
New methods
by all
stirs
figures
are
Council
federalists
of electing
|
service
of
Committee,
4).
"accepted"
5).
Assembly
renewal
the universality
Friends
houis Dailey agrees ; William Bray believes
be met
8).
standards
UWF.
released
Chairman
(page
(page
C. M.
11).
Stanley
calls
for
a
17).
Council members
are proposed
(page 16).
student federalists step up pace.
owarthmore co-sponsors three big events in two weeks (page 6).
student division among hosts to first convention in the U.S. of
World Assembly of Youth (page 7).
Sn
Attempted
Ihe
may
1951
that
Returning
"a
infiltration
New York
a new
ete:
"party
of
peace
Times
and Alan
line"
seeks
groups
by Communists
Cranston
"a united
submit
front
for
is expected.
separate
evidence
'peace'".
to MacArthur, his popularity seems due at least
sense of frustration" among Americans.
in part
to
deep
80 holds Cabell Phillips
(page
12),
who believes
that anyone
"with a plausible plan for cutting
the whole thing short is sure to
get the people's plaudits."
Can Retain Interest Too!
Money
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. is an excellent device for retaining and developing the interest of potential
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cn
A
Vol.
me
ET
1, No. 2
REAL
A
May
REE
ORME
OR a
RR ne
eR
a
1951
federalist
in this issue
Page
“Riiser-Larsen Does Not Lose Himself”
8
by Leif Caspersen
Why Not World Government and Pt. 47
by Walter P. Reuther
as interviewed by Alan Cranston
9
UWF Pre-General Assembly Report
Pope Pius XIl and World Government
10-11
13
Proposed By-Law Revision
Report from the UN
16-17
3
by Edward A. Conway, S.J.
News
Washington Column
Read, Look, Listen
4-7
12
12
This Month’s Question
What They Say
14-15
16
Memos
17-18
What They Ask
19
THE FEDERALIST believes that freedom of expression and the
interchange of ideas are fundamental in a democracy. It therefore prints signed articles, columns and letters which do not
necessarily reflect, and often vary from, UWF policy and attitudes.
Editor, Richard Strouse
Associate Editors, Andrew Crichton and Jane Morris
Promotion Manager, Margaret Ameer
*
UNITED
*
FEDERALISTS,
WORLD
INC.
For support and development of the United Nations into
a world federal government with limited powers adequate
to assure peace
President, Alan Cranston
Honorary President,
Cord Meyer Jr.
Chairman, Executive Council,
C. M. Stanley
Chairman, Exec. Committee,
A. J.G. Priest
Chairman, Student Division,
Thomas E. Robertson Jr.
Vice Presidents
Cass Canfield
Mrs. J. Borden Harriman
Chairman of the Board,
Former U.S. Minister to
Harper & Brothers
Norway
Grenville Clark
George H. Olmsted
Lawyer and Writer
Chairman of the Board,
Haw
key
e Casualty Co.
Norman Cousins
‘4
Editor, Saturday Review
Walter P. Reuther
of Literature
President, United
Automobile Workers
Hon. William O. Douglas
Associate Justice, U.S.
Robert E. Sherwood
Supreme Court
Author, Playwright
Raymond Swing
Radio News Commentator
Secretary, J. A. Migel
Treasurer,
Duncan M. Spencer
THE
Inc.,
Counsel, Abraham Wilson
Executive Director,
Mrs. J. Donald Duncan
FEDERALIST
is published
7
East
12th
St.,
New
monthly
York
3,
by
N.
United
¥.
World
Federalists,
Subscription
price:
One year included in regular UWF membership; one year to nonmembers $1.50.
Application for entry as second class matter is
pending.
eines» (65)
May
1951
John Foster Dulles suggested the other day that the
United Nations General Assembly in Paris this fall
should find some way of getting around the Russian veto
against new members.
Mr. Dulles was thinking primarily of obtaining the
admission of Japan to the world organization as a part
of a proposed Pacific peace treaty. If the State Department wants to extend Mr. Dulles’ suggestion to other
waiting applicants, several entirely legal methods could
be devised.
One would be to admit individually such countries
as Italy, Austria and Ireland into the General Assembly
with full rights, including the vote, which would make
them United Nations members in everything but name.
Another would be to create a category known as
“Associated Powers,” in which new members vetoed by
Russia could be lumped together and brought into all
United Nations bodies except the Security Council, where
the veto applies.
Such
devices are practical because each
United
Na-
tions body including the General Assembly has the right to
make its own rules. __ ,
If the Russian veto thereby should be circumvented
on admissions, as it has been in calling out United Nations armed forces, it will mark still another tremendous
change in the fundamental character of the world organization, and a new approach toward universality.
The risk that Russia will walk out may have to be
faced in this respect, just as the nations participating in
the
United
bombing
Russian
All
Charter
threat of
Nations
Manchuria,
defense
of Korea
are
resigned
to
if it becomes necessary, and risking
entry into the conflict.
this is far different from the shining ideal of the
in which its signatories forswore the use or
force in their dealings with other nations. The
Communist powers and their satellites have nullified
those pledges, and have thus given other members of the
UN no alternative but to hang together to resist aggression.
:
It is for this reason that the United States has been
campaigning to get more United Nations troops to
Korea, and also to persuade all law-abiding members of
the world organization to set aside portions of their armed
forces now for use against new aggressions. It is for this
reason, too, that the United States may be anxious to
enlarge the United Nations, for it is axiomatic that UN
membership carries with it UN obligations.
Despite the uproar over President Truman’s dis-
missal
of General
commander
in
MacArthur
Korea,
as the
consequently,
United
the
Nations
campaign
to
strengthen the world organization goes on. Progress is
too slow for some, perhaps; too disheartening for others.
Yet, to those who deeply believe that the United Nations
must be made the guardian of world law, there is no
turning back now.
3
Papal Audience, Gift from Italy Mark
“Finest’’ World Movement Congress
US
UWF-Led
Exclusion
The emphatic demand by UWF
that the World Movement for World
Federal Government revoke an invitation to the Communist-dominated
Partisans for Peace to attend the
Movement’s Rome Congress as “‘observers’ contributed to ‘“‘the finest
Congress yet”. The authority is Paul
Shipman Andrews, dean of the Syracuse University Law School and a
leading UWF delegate to the April
2-7 Congress.
The vote to revoke the invitation was 12 to 5 in the World Movement’s Executive Council, and 72 to
11 on the floor of the Congress. Although the decision had been expected to weaken the organization—
and although Pierre Hovelaque, Secretary General of the World Movement; Jean Diedesheim, Alexandre
Marc and Abbé Groués-Pierre of
France, and Gustav Malan of Italy
an(the latter three previously
nounced) resigned from the Movement’s Executive Committee in protest—revocation of the controversial
invitation actually strengthened the
Movement, Mr. Andrews says.
Promptly after the revocation, in
rapid succession, Count Carlo Sforza,
Italian Foreign Minister, agreed to
address the Congress; the Italian govlire
2,000,000
donated
ernment
(about $3,000) to help defray expenses, and Pope Piux XII granted
an audience to a group of delegates.
In his now famous discourse, the
Pope declared that world government was fully in keeping with the
Roman
of
objectives
traditional
Catholic doctrine (interpretation on
page 13; description of pamphlet containing complete text on page 12).
Other indications cited by Dean
Andrews that the Movement passed
an important milestone at Rome:
e For the first time, non-federalist groups took part in World Movement proceedings.
attended
convention was
The
by 200 delegates representing twentyeight federalist and thirteen nonin twenty-seven
federalist groups
countries. A subsidiary ‘‘Congress
of Organizations” produced studies
and reports of a federalist nature to
which representatives of the nonfederalist organizations contributed.
4
of
Peace
Partisans
Called
e The center of gravity within
the World Movement was shifted to
the larger membership groups.
e The Movement placed itself on
a sound financial footing.
The Congress was self-liquidating. The Movement’s liabilities do
not exceed $3,500. An initial annual
budget of $12,000 was adopted, $5,000 of which represents dues in sight.
e A “Declaration of Rome” rep-
resenting a wide area of agreement
among the federalist groups present
and consistent with
was issued.
UWF
objectives
Clear and direct, the declaration
calls for ‘‘an all-inclusive world feder?! government which can guarantee
Major
Factor
‘The Movement’s new Executive
Committee, also elected at Rome, is
composed
of:
Monica
Wingate
(chairman), principal of Ball’s Park
College, president of the Federal
Union of Britain and sister of famed
Major-General Orde C. Wingate;
Reader
Harris
(vice
chairman),
Conservative British M.P.; Donald
Harrington (treasurer), minister and
UWFE leader; Dr. Guiseppe Chiostergi, vice president of Italy’s Chamber
of Deputies; Curtis Farrar, UWF
member living in England; Prof.
Brandt Rehburg, president of Denmark’s Een Verden; and Prof. Daniel Van der Meulen of the Netherlands Wereld Federaliste Beweging.
Count Carlo Sforza, Prime Minister of Italy. opens the fourth Congress of the World
Movement for World Federal Government in Rome, April 2. Lord Boyd Orr (center)
and Paul Shipman Andrews sit with him on the dias.
to each nation security against attack
by others”. It emphasizes that a
world government must have the
power to make and enforce laws
binding upon individuals and national
,
governments.
Toward the end of the Congress,
Hjalmar Riiser-Larsen of Norway
was elected president of the World
Boyd
replacing Lord
Movement,
Orr, who was named honorary vice
president (“‘profile’’ on page 8).
Admit
All
Nations?
In the same recent week, from
sources half a world apart, came an
identical criticism of the United
Nations.
Minister JawaIndia’s Prime
harlal Nehru, in a conversation with
Norman Cousins published in the
Saturday Review of Literature on
April 19, emphasized his belief that
UN
effectiveness was
dwindling
The
be-
Federalist
depended. She has not even observed
the diplomatic courtesies which are
the symbols of the respect of one nation for another.
To admit now to the UN a nation
cause
not
all
nations
were
repre-
sented in the UN, as originally intended.
“The UN,”
Mr. Nehru said,
“by keeping out some countries...
in a sense denies itself the moral right
to deal with that country. ... It puts
itself in a wrong position thereby.
If you cannot deal with a country
within the form of the UN, then
the only alternative
is to deal with it
outside ultimately by force of arms.”
Three days later the American
Friends Service Committee underscored the same idea in a full-page
advertisement placed in a number of
newspapers across the country. The
advertisement developed four “steps
to peace’:
(1) A new kind of negotiation;
(2) Strengthening
of the United Nations as a peace-making agency; (3)
A new
approach
to disarmament
now; (4) Economic, financial and
technical assistance.”” Under the second point, the Friends’ message said:
“The UN should include without
prejudice, as was first intended, all
governments willing to accept the
responsibilities of membership. Fully
a dozen such nations, not counting
colonies, are not yet members... .”
Thus, once again, the question is
raised: Is membership in the UN to
be determined on the basis of good
behavior or is it to be granted to
all as a means for getting along with
each other in spite of differences?
THE FEDERALIST asked two UWF
state chairmen, William
Bray of
Ohio and Louis Dailey of New Jersey, to express their views.
‘They
follow.
BRAY:
Effective
organizations
must
have
membership
standa—rd
socs
ial
clubs,
PTA’s,
UWF, business
porations,
or
Members must
terest and join
common goal.
to accept certain
partnerships and corstates
and _ nations.
share a common inin working for the
They must be willing
discipline, even sub-
mit to limited authority.
Similar standards should apply
when nations wish to join the UN,
simply as a promise that the new
member can and will contribute to
an effective whole. As illustration,
Red China has shown herself unwilling or unable to accept the international responsibility on which recog-
nition
May
of
1951
nations
has
traditionally
which meets neither accepted nor desirable standards ts to start tearing
down what we have been taking such
Rather we should
pains to build.
strengthen what we have until membership is so desirable that nations
will demonstrate their intent and ability to meet the necessary standards.
DAILEY:
The
needs
United
all the
Nations
help
and
support it can muster. International
disputes must be settled by other
means than war, termed by General
MacArthur
as
“useless”.
All
na-
tions, willing in good faith to subscribe
to the obligations of the UN Charter,
should be admitted.
The highest common denominator
between nations is the desire of each to
enjoy its own national life, regardless
of ideology.
The aim in Korea appears to be to stop communism.
That
explains the indifferent or total lack
of support of many UN members.
The world desperately needs
a
criminal code defining aggression and
some effective means of interpreting
and enforcing it. As Americans we
have neither the manpower, the strategic bases, the material resources—or
the disposition—to be a world policeman.
As General MacArthur said, alliances, balances of power and leagues
of nations have never worked. Therefore, our only alternative is to work
with others through the United Nations—as difficult and as frustrating as
that is.
49% Favor Stronger
UN
HCR 64 has “considerable popular backing throughout the country,”
George Gallup, director of the American Institute of Public Opinion,
reported May 1.
Dr. Gallup based his conclusion
on a recent public opinion poll.
In reply to the question, “Do you
think the UN should or should not
be strenghtened to make it a world
government with power to control
the
armed
forces
of
all nations,
in-
cluding the U.S.?”, 49 per cent answered it should, 36 per cent that it
should not and 15 per cent were undecided.
About 64 per cent of those interviewed had some idea of what the
term “world
government’
meant.
‘Thirty-six percent were unable to
give any meaningful definition.
Updating
SCHUMAN
Pian:
The
Foreign
Ministers of the six participating nations signed the treaty April 18. It
must still be ratified by each of the
parliaments.
New Soviet “Line” Aims
at Infiltration of Peace
In what it characterized as a
“shift in tactics’, The New York
‘Times reported April 28 that American Communists have been ordered
to subordinate all lesser party objectives to a search for common ground
with labor, church and non-Communist political groups in a united
front for “peace’’.
According to the Times there are
hints that the Communists might be
willing to soft-pedal some of their
more
unpopular
views
on
domestic
issues to make their “line” more
palatable to possible allies.
Warnings of a similar nature
were voiced by Alan Cranston, UWF
president, in a report to UWF’s
staff
on April 19.
In explaining UWF’s threat to
withdraw from the Rome Congress
of the World Movement unless an
invitation to the Partisans of Peace
were revoked, Mr. Cranston said
Groups
that at a meeting in Berlin a hitherto
unpublicized resolution was adopted
instructing Partisans to work as closely as possible with ‘“mundialists”
(meaning federalists and world citizenship
advocates)
and
Quaker
and
other church and peace groups. The
Partisans previously revealed their
true political allegiance at Warsaw
when “they gave American attorney
O. John Rogge short shrift for his
condemnatory
remarks
on _ Soviet
Union policies”, Mr. Cranston said.
For the first time, he emphasized,
federalist groups are threatened with
Communist infiltration. “In attempting to seize the word ‘peace’ for their
own purposes and self-aggrandizement, the Soviets are apparently out
to inspire a united front of every
group dedicated to the pursuit of
world peace—no matter how the
group may propose that peace be procured,” Mr. Cranston concluded.
Wal
Council
Report
The meeting of UWF’s National Executive Council in St. Louis,
April 21-22, was devoted primarily
to the World Movement (see page
4), plans for the General Assembly
(see pages 10-11), examination of income and budget and recommendations of the political committee.
President Alan Cranston
UWF
emphasized in his report to the CounNew York and
cil that UWF’s
Washington offices now operate on a
monthly budget of $2,750 below the
figure authorized at last year’s Assembly. “Income in March and April
fell dangerously short of this minimum,” Mr. Cranston reported.
The
Council:
e formed a committee to study
the use of “promotion cards” to be
sold for $1 at rallies and _ public
meetings;
e instructed the finance committee to solicit funds from trade groups;
e asked all states represented at
the meeting to step up present fundraising efforts.
The political committee reported
it had already gone to work on a plan
for “task forces” from as many states
as possible to appear in Washington
in favor of HCR 64. Details can be
obtained from UWF’s Washington
office, which is making arrangements
for publicity, briefing and interviews
under the guidance of Legislative
Director Jerome Spingarn.
Private
Donation
A combat infantryman, half way
through basic training, took time out
from his Army duties April 16 to
donate $20 to “the most important
fight of all—that of federating the
UN into a government capable of
enforcing peace’.
Pvt.,David Caulkins of the Third
Armored Division, Ft. Knox, Ky.,
mailed the money to UWF’s national
headquarters to cover the first two
installments of his pledge plus his
1951 membership.
“In about six weeks,” the Army
draftee wrote, “I’ll finish my training as a combat infantryman and
start really fighting for the UN.
Meanwhile, here is my $20 which I
hope will help in the most important
hent of all. a...
6
Hawaiian Federalists’ Influence
Extends Throughout Islands
In New York for the twenty-fifth
reunion of his Cornell University
medical school class on April 17, Dr.
Nils P. Larsen, a founder and present
president of UWF of Hawaii, reported to THE FEDERALIST on the
status of federalism in Hawaii. It’s
doing fine.
“There is hardly a person on the
Islands today who doesn’t know who
and what UWF is,” Dr. Larsen says.
The doctor emphasizes that the in-
fluence of UWF of Hawaii is wielded
by a comparatively small group. He
gives his chapter’s membership as 110
(UWF’s national office gives it as
99), but adds that the chapter is a
scant two years old. Sections have
been established on Maui and’ Kauai
Islands as well as in Honolulu.
The explanation of the Hawaiian
Federalists’ effectiveness, Dr. Larsen
believes, can be found in any or all of
the following:
e They publish a monthly news
bulletin which is sent to UWF mem-
bers and a selected mailing list of 400
of Hawaii’s most influential leaders.
e Once a month an open meeting
is held in Honolulu in which the opposition
30
is
invited
Leaders
Meet
to _ participate.
—
Over thirty branch and chapter
leaders, including six students, met
in Chicago April 7-8 for UWF’s first
Midwestern field conference.
The meeting was attended by delegates from Colorado, IIlinois, Indiana, Iowa, Ohio and Wisconsin. Edward W. McVitty, UWF field director, and Ruth Root, national field
representative, both participated.
The sessions featured round-table
discussions on branch and chapter
questions led by field executives.
Swarthmore
Scintillates
UWEF’s Swarthmore chapter is
earning the reputation of being the
most active student organization on
April 21 it jointly
campus. On
sponsored with the Swarthmore International Relations Club a Point
following
The
conference.
Four
week-end, again as co-sponsor with
the IRC, it held a conference entitled
“India’s Role in the World Today”’.
Its biggest affair, however, comes
These ‘‘afternoon mental cocktail sessions’, as Dr. Larsen describes them,
are invariably publicized in the two
leading Honolulu newspapers.
e The chapter’s board of directors
and honorary directors reads like a
“Who’s Who in Hawaii’. In addition to Dr. Larsen, they include: Dr.
Y. C. Yang, Korean ambassador to
Washington; Oren E. Long, former
head of the public school system and
the man most commonly mentioned
as
President
Truman’s
choice
for
governor of Hawaii; Mrs. Richard
Thomas, wife of the chairman of
Hawaii;
of
Rotary
International
Dr. Thomas A. Jagger, world’s foremost volcanologist, and Dr. Clarence
Fronk, internationally famous big
game hunter.
Dr. Larsen himself, the senior
physician at a seventeen-man clinic, is
one of the sixty-three delegates who
wrote the new Hawaiian Constitution
which will go into effect when and if
the Islands are admitted to U.S. statehood. That experience underscored
his conviction that universal federation will be attained “because the
world must get together on a basic
law for survival’.
off this week, May 4-6. About 400
students are expected to attend a
conference entitled “By What Means
Peace?’’, scheduled for the Temple
University campus. UWF of Swarthmore was the original sponsor of the
conference, which is now being handled by a planning committee consisting of representatives of student
political and religious groups. Ralph
Lee Smith, Swarthmore chapter cochairman, is chairman of the planning committee.
The
Tarheel
Story
Behind the successful effort of
North Carolina federalists to prevent repeal of that state’s 1941 Humber-type resolution and 1949 constitutional
amendment-type
is the
story of a campaign so well organized that the opposition publicly admitted UWF had done an excellent
job of obtaining state-wide support.
North Carolina legislature committee hearings were held on Feb. 21
and March 6. At each more than 150
federalists were present. In addition,
The
Federalist
hundreds
of other North
wrote letters or wired
lators.
Among
Carolinians
to their legis-
those who either testified
or wrote were: a former governor of
North Carolina; a past president of
the Young
Democrats Club; the
president of the Federation of Womens Clubs of North Carolina; the
master
of
the
North
Carolina
Grange; the presidents of Wake Forest, Davidson, Greensboro, Pembroke
and Meredith Colleges; the dean of
the North Carolina University Law
School, and prominent judges, professional and business men, pastors,
university teachers, writers and publishers.
At .both hearings, the opposition
pled with committee members not to
be influenced
by
these
distinguished
citizens and argued that the public
at large was in favor of repealing the
two resolutions.
This tactic
had
already
failed because UWF
organized
support
throughout the state by:
e laying the ground work in contacting
organizations
and_ leaders
long in advance of the legislative ses-
sion;
e creating a “task force” of federalists who personally contacted leg-
islators;
e circulating a pro-federalist petition ten months prior to the convening of the legislature;
e publishing a brochure entitled
“North Carolina Was Right” which
was sent to hundreds of influential
citizens in the state. The booklet tells
the history of the two
lina
YAC
world
federation
to Entertain
North
Caro-
resolutions.
WAY
UWF’s
student
division
and
twelve other member-organizations
of the Young Adult Council will be
hosts to an estimated 500 youth lead-
ers from forty nations this summer
when the World Assembly of Youth
convenes for the first time in the
United States. The occasion is the
meeting of WAY’s first triennial
General Assembly on the Cornell
University campus, Ithaca, N. Y.,
August 5-16.
Organized in August, 1949, WAY
is made up of youth councils in
May 1951
is_ the
thirty-three nations. YAC
American affiliate of WAY.
Two former members of UWF’s
student staff, Eugene G. Schwartz
and Murray Frank, have worked
with YAC making arrangements for
the Cornell meeting. In. addition, at
members will be
least two UWF
among the twenty-five U.S. delegates
to the Assembly.
Youth leaders at Cornell will discuss critical problems of the day before a general backdrop of “Youth
and Human Rights’, theme of the
Assembly. Topics will range from
individual
the UN.
to support
*
freedoms
*
*
of
*
Other international items on this
summer’s agenda for students include:
e INTERNATIONAL
CAMP _ IN
CHIGWELL, ENGLAND. Sponsored by
the British National Committee of
WAY, participants will spend several weeks at the camp and attend
the Festival of England.
e EXPERIMENT
IN’
INTERNATIONAL Livinc. A special student
federalist group under William Andrews, student leader, will climax a
visit to France with attendance at the
annual congress of the World Student Federalists.
e CoMMUNITY
DEVELOPMENT
Projects Lrp. in cooperation with
INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH FUND,
Inc. To be held at Paris, July 7-14,
the one-week seminar will be broken
down into four groups, each considering a particular aspect of technical
assistance.
Arnold
and
Holt
Abraham Arnold, attorney and
Egyptologist, died suddenly April 17.
A charter member
vice president of
of UWF,
the New
he was
Jersey
branch.
Hamilton Holt, past member of
UWF’s
National Advisory Board
and president emeritus of Rollins Col- .
lege, died April 26 of a heart attack
at Woodstock, Conn.
Quoted
Radio
on the Air
Station
WDSU
in
New
Orleans has been broadcasting quotations from UWF literature since the
beginning of February. Announcements are supplied by UWF of New
Orleans, and are scheduled gratis
as a public service feature.
In Passing
e Top federalists debated Admiral Harley C. Cope, USN (Ret.),
chairman of the Veterans of Foreign
Wars’ National Sovereignty Committee, in four Connecticut towns in
March. The federalist representatives
were Dr. Vernon Nash, former UWF
program vice president, and Dr. Andre Schenker, professor of history at
the University of Connecticut. Admiral Cope’s title was ‘‘Save Our
Sovereignty”; the federalists’, “The
World
Must
Be
Governed”’.
e Appearing on the familiar Fred
Harvey bookstands in New Mexico
this month will be the Clevelandoriginated
yearbook
of
federalist
philosophy, “One World or None’.
Copies can now be obtained from
UWF’s national office for 25 cents
each (reduced from 35 cents). Consignment of copies to branches and
chapters wishing to use “One World”
for promotion will be given prompt
consideration.
e A Dutch treat “training dinner’ sparked the first complete canvass of UWF members in Darien,
Conn. Ten workers visited the sixtytwo members in person and raised
$692 in pledges and $558.50 in cash.
e If the necessary funds are
forthcoming, Neal Potter, president
of UWF of Washington State, will
devote full-time to working as field
director for Washington, Idaho and
Oregon.
e On the death of her father in
January,
Florida
federalist
Sally
‘Trope assumed his duties as editor
of the Winter Park Topics, a weekly
newspaper.
On the Agenda
Dates in light type were previously announced in THE FEDERALIST.
May
May
May
May
6
11-13
12-13
19-20
May
June
June
27
17
21
22-24
June
North Carolina World Government Day
Washington UWF State Convention, Tacoma
Illinois UWF State Convention, Springfield
Ohio UWF State Convention, Cincinnati (changed from
May 12-13)
W orld Government Sunday
“The Myth That Threatens the World’, Detroit
Fifth UWF Student Convention begins, Des Moines
UW F’s Fifth General Assembly, Des Moines
RIISER-LARSEN
HJALMAR
Norwegian explorer and
(right),
military
world-famous
and business
leader, is the newly elected president of the
World Movement for World Federal Government (story on the Movement’s recent Rome
Congress on page 4). LEIF CASPERSEN is secretary general of En Verden, Norway’s largest
and one of the world’s most active federalist
These notes were prepared for
organizations.
THE FEDERALIST by Mr. Caspersen in Norway.
“Riiser-Larsen
Does Not
Lose Himself in Trifles”
By LEIF CASPERSEN
Six years of his childhood Hjalmar Riiser-Larsen, the
new president of the World Movement for World Federal Government, spent at sea together with his parents.
His father owned and led the bark “Isabelle”; later he
led the steamship “Ruth”. Hjalmar Riiser-Larsen has
several times declared that the years of childhood at sea
meant much to him.
“IT had mates and sailors as my friends,” Mr. RiiserLarsen says. “Sailors are straightforward and react
strongly against injustice. If they disagree, they make it
good again at once, instead of keeping it inside, infuriating
other people by having so much against them.”
Hjalmar Riiser-Larsen entered the Naval School and
become a naval officer in 1912. He became a lieutenant
in 1915, a captain in 1926, a commodore in 1940, a rearadmiral in 1941 and a major general in 1944.
Already as a cadet he took great interest in flying
and in 1915 was transferred to the Naval Air Force.
From 1916 through 1920 he served as a control officer
and director at Norway’s naval flying-boat factory. From
1921
through
1927 he worked
for the Council for Air-
ways within the Defense Department.
Mr. Riiser-Larsen was trained as a flying-boat guide
in England, and cooperated intimately with Roald
Amundsen. He was commodore on the Pole flying expedition in 1925—tthe famous flying to 87°
44’—where
the two Dornier Wall flying boats had to land among
the ice. It was Hjalmar Riiser-Larsen who took “N-25”
up from the ice and took the members of the expedition
back to Spitzbergen in safety. The start from the ice
must be called the most exciting start and the biggest
sportsmanship in the history of flying. It was the last
chance the expedition had to manage. He seized the
chance and managed it.
In 1926 he took part as leader of the flying-boat
“Norge N-1” in the Amundsen-Ellsworth-Nobile expedition over the North Pole from Spitzbergen to Alaska.
In 1928 he led the Boyd expedition for searching after
the flying-boat “Itall’” and Roald Amundsen.
‘In 1929-1930, Mr. Riiser-Larsen led the Norvegia
Expedition to Antarctica, where he discovered and charted Queen
Maud’s
and
Crown
Princess
Martha’s
Land.
The following year he was again in Antarctica, and dis_covered Princess Ragnhild’s Land. In 1933 he led a new
expedition to Antarctica.
Of
discovery he has said:
“There
is nothing
that
makes such an impression on a person as discovering land,
to know that now one is on land which no person
has seen before. Think what great results it may have
for the discovered land and for one’s own country!”
In 1933, Mr. Riiser-Larsen became a director of
Det Norske Luftfartselskap (The Norwegian Airline
System). At the outbreak of World World II, he was
mobilized into the service on the staff of the Naval Air
Force. In cooperation with the chief of the Military Air
Force, he organized the training-camp, “Little Norway’”’,
in Canada.
When the first Norwegian squadron was ready to
enter the war operations, he established his headquarters
in London. He was nominated chief for the Joint Command of the Air Forces, and led the administration of the
Norwegian
flying
forces.
In
the
autumn
of
1944
the
Norwegian Air Defense was established, with Hjalmar
Ruser-Larsen as chief. The Norwegian flying forces held
their own wherever they were placed.
In March, 1946, Mr. Riiser-Larsen entered the
Scandinavian Airline System (SAS), and two years later
became director for Norway.
Since 1950, Hjalmar Riiser-Larsen has taken part
actively in En Verden as chairman of the executive committee of the movement in Norway. This human activity
was a natural development to the person Riiser-Larsen,
for whom many of his cooperators and subordinate workers wrote a testimony, which no chief could have wanted
better. He has the main points clearly in front of him
and combines imagination and experience.
He does not lose himself in trifles, except when concerning the personal sorrows and problems of his people.
Then he often gives away his money and time to be a
help.
Mr. Riiser-Larsen regards the air system as one of
the most important means of binding together the nations,
and to improve international understanding and cooperation. To him it is of most importance to create what the
politicians of today are denying: cooperation and solidarity.
It is understandable that the combination of military
and humanist has at times aroused antagonism within
certain areas. But the scattered attacks have never been
effective against the person, Hjalmar Riiser-Larsen, of
whom the title of honor, “Son of Norway,” has rightly
been used.
The
Federalist
grr
4?
.
Pt
d
n
a
t
n
e
m
n
r
e
v
o
Why Not World G
as interviewed for THE
WALTER
P. REUTHER
FEDERALIST
by Alan Cranston
Mr. Reuther, do you see any dangerous weakness in
America’s defense program?
e I certainly do. First, we're finding partial mobilization much more difficult than total mobilization.
And we need to understand that freedom cannot be defended successfully with brute strength alone. Hunger,
poverty and disease, if ignored, can advance the Communist program for world domination more rapidly than
Soviet aggression. We're doing virtually nothing to meet
that threat.
W hat about the Marshall Plan?
e Its main emphasis has been upon rehabilitating
the European economy, and too little improvement has
been made in the living standards of the people. Moreover, the greatest human need is not in Europe.
Is Point Four accomplishing anything significant in Asia?
e Very little. Wholly inadequate sums have been
appropriated, and there is still no real plan of implementation.
How do you believe the program should be administered?
e It should not be just an American operation.
Special machinery should be established under the UN—
a World Development Authority. It should make decisions as to the best use of the raw materials and techniques made available by the various nations.
How would that compare to the Schuman Plan?
e The Schuman Plan is based upon considerable
reciprocity. It is not dealing between “have” and “have
not” peoples.
But isn’t the Schuman Plan to work within a political
framework, Mr. Reuther?
e Yes, and all of that is very necessary. Point Four
similarly can’t work properly unless it is within the framework ef a strengthened UN.
all people would share equally in the unimaginable benefits of a true peace, labor carries more than its share of
the cost of war. In wartime, workers become the soldiers,
and the efforts of workers left on the home front to improve their lot are thwarted. I’m afraid that one more
total war might possibly result in the absolute regimentation of American labor and capital, with loss of liberty
to both.
You've fought and won many battles with the Communists for the sake of liberty—ousting them from key spots
in the United Automobile Workers, and barring them
from world-wide organizations of trade unions. Do you
nonetheless believe the U.S. could participate in a world
government
endangering
that included Communist
our democracy?
nations
without
e I do. There’s a big difference between competing
with the Soviet Union and its agents when they are backed
by the Red Army, saboteurs, and all the instruments of
subversion—with no holds barred—and competing with
them under law. In the present conditions of world
anarchy, with everything dominated by the arms race,
neither democracy nor communism is really able to demonstrate which can best serve mankind in terms of creating the goods and the rights that make for a decent life.
We should welcome an opportunity to compete freely with communism in a war-free world. Then the system
best adapted to man’s needs, not the system best adapted
to wiping out people in war, would finally prevail. Without the Red Army, and without the economic misery produced by war, by threats of war, and by diversion of the
energies and resources of man to war purposes, the two
factors most favoring Communists would disappear.
In the pursuit of the objective of peace we would
possess an overwhelming superiority. Does anyone doubt
our ability to win that kind of struggle with communism?
you
believe
the pursuit
of world
government
is a
Are you proposing that the UN be given the power of law
in economic fields?
e Not law-making power. But it should be given
administrative authority.
Do
Can
equal”. That happened many, many years before countless Americans, let alone millions of people elsewhere,
behaved as if the words were true. But the expression of
that conviction has ever since slowly been leading the way
towards conditions of equal rights and equal opportunities. ‘The words established in the minds of men everywhere the greatness of America’s purpose. Now it is time
for us to proclaim another principle in these five words:
the job ever be done adequately
in the midst of an arms race?
while
the world
e Obviously not. We could do a great
than we are now doing, but there are only so
sources available. As long as the threat of
exists, military needs will have an over-riding
Then
is
deal more
many re- —
aggression
claim.
what do you suggest?
e There can be no really effective Point Four without world government, and no world government without
Point Four. Sufficient funds, resources, manpower and
brainpower will never be released for the purpose of
lifting living standards until war is abolished—and mankind will never abolish war unless it knows that such
abolition will be accompanied by the steps required to
alleviate economic misery.
Is it recognition of that fact that is causing labor to take
a new interest in foreign affairs?
e That together with the additional fact that while
May
1951
practical program for today—for this moment of crisis
—despite the staggering obstacles?
e More than a century and a half ago, Americans
set down on paper five words: “All men are created
“World
peace under world
law’.
You believe the proclamation would have an instant effect,
even though world government was not at once achieved?
e Unquestionably. The day America proclaims that
goal—with determination to pursue it until it is achieved
—will be the day that the threat of Communist domination of the world passes its peak. Such a proclamation,
backed up by bold action on the economic front, will strip
the Communists of their hypocrisy and mobilize the full
moral strength of the free world.
9
UWF
Pre-General Assembly
Report
National Office Budget
and Expenditures
#
Total column—1950-51 fiscal year budget as
approved at 1950 General Assembly
~Actual expenditures Oct. 1, 1950—March
31, 1951
-
po
Gag?) ee
ZB —April, 1951 operating budget
ee
se
Frere
Seed
Bureau
Division
tt
bes
~~
PERSONNEL
ee
8
2
4
3
0
l
TIME
UWF has branches in twenty-six states. Of these,
twenty maintain twenty-three regular offices (three in
Pennsylvania and two in California), including two with
offices in the homes of leaders. The other six branches do
Executive directo oe
As
Ceres directors
Field directors
not keep offices open. In some branches, area councils and
chapters also maintain offices of their own.
Field representatives
Office si ambit ctl
Ninety-five persons work half time or more for the
UWF branches. A breakdown by types of jobs appears in
the next column.
Secretaries
Others
(c)—3
(d)—5
TIME
6
5
15
Ms (a)
45(c)
0
I
4
41(b)
50(d)
(all secretaries) are volunteers; the rest are paid
(2 secretaries, 2 executive directors, 1 office manager)
are paid; the rest are volunteers
~~
(a)—1 speakers’ bureau director, 1 finance director (both paid);
3 student field workers (expenses only)
(b)—volunteer assistants (publications, speakers’ bureau, etc.)
ee
FP wes
t
BRANCH
Relations*
Student
—_* Publications cost, not provided in 1950-51 budget, omitted.
?
STATE
Office
Speakers’
~
and amortized accounts.
Liaison
Public
ted
Be
Office.
President's
ae
Org.
Se:
Ses
~
Tincludes personnel, office rent, supplies and maintenance
Legislative
Sees
bebe,
Finance
ss
hUvPFhlClUlhlCUtl
CU
lel, C8
strativet
Field
i
em
Admini-
9
i
wet
E
Seam an, AIS
See
| CII Na ae
|
10
}
The
Federalist
Plans for UWF’s fifth General Assembly, scheduled for June
22-24
in
Des
Moines,
were
re-
viewed at last month’s Nationdl™
Executive Council meeting (other
Council news on page 6). Members
expressed
the
hope
that
the
MEMBERS
Dec.
31
an
agenda
which
emphasis on program
policy (the Student
placed
opens June 21). —
Nor
man
UE
ta
se
informed, has agreed to serve
was
as
master
of
traditional
quet,
ceremonies
Saturday
and
Oscar
night
at
137
31
4,477
591
1.437
Hammerstein
'
The
Council
nominated
II
chairman,
Mahony
and
for temporary
Laurence
Dawson
had
170
previously
inate the chairmen and
members of Assembly committees.
75
58
nominees
(agenda,
,
st
to
C. M.
Sunset aim aeieaahal daarans
no
mi
cs
.
Tor
the
WA
ena
y
rte
Council to" Mr. Stanley.
—send nominees for UWF
dent, vice president (several
Executive
eae
of
Council,
d
the
secretary,
counsel to Rodney
16
presito be
National
treasur-
Shaw
(318
E. ‘Osle eens
evan see “Wis.),
chairman of UWF’s nominations and
structure committee, not to be confused
with Assembly nominating committee.
i
k
8
Stanley,
—pending appointment of the As-
elected),
96
292
296
Suto
550
7,355
720
62
3.273
f
137
57
the Hotel PoDeerMat
ties fan adult
Hote
l Elliott if a student.
—not
ify
Neil
Pars
ons
Iowa,
1017
want
(UWF
eS
12
of
on
Mr.
Parsons
can
schedule
radio and television.
—notify
UWF’s
student
to edema eis
on
from
a
chartered
either
bus
city).
3
($39
round
iS
TO THE RIGHT is a state-by-state
progress report on UWF’s renewal
and finance drives. Membership figures include carry-overs and new
memberships as well as renewals received through April 23. UWF’s official membership is 39,989 because,
under the system of annual memberships now used by UWF, only endof-the-year figures are complete.
May
1951
5
251
80
279
664
23;
472
8
52
14
130
3H
71
24
40
sal
trip
247
2,551
42
650
division
69
107
167
them
2.208
184
268
Des
Moines
9)
of
riti
oO are
chests Pv aeeerid ‘thé ‘Abe ein
Ye)
that
292
324
3,474.
®
155
15,423
1,252
5,614
7,579
468
2,600
Idaho
yPT
nd:
Vowa
Kare
Nev
N.H.
1,8
55
13,946
3,895
1,539
7,206
157
4,315
5,681
1,665
Ore.
Pa.
non:
S.C
®
Sat
|
@
Tenn.
848 Tex,
Utah
Vt.
Va.
Wash.
W.
Va.
gllsWis.
66
“Ek sw TAR |
Wyo.
Misc.
TAL
de Me Hote®
7,308
15,704
755
5,532
4
5,580
316
90
4
14
852
765
5,909
9,323
nr
o
50,000
pe
20447
aes
“S309
18,000
6,591
15,253
1,367
20,012
471
18,885
801
13,447
82
13
39
1
Okla.
1,704
GS
33
“a, let
149
Ohio
162
4
14,363
N.C.
pm
558
7,766
1,250
gee
.
ee
125
1,128
129
Nas
10,883
799
3,824
307
371
147
°
532
221.
928
Mo.
1,198
110
360
La.
1,641
148
220
Ky.
1,883
594
780
Mont.
Neb.
443
35
5,234
230
47
10
4,384
35577
240
Hawaii
16
1,407
20,067
1,068
"4" 693
Miss.
214
:
2,024
2235
397
O7
5,855
2,455
1
|
530
15
1,2
84
3,442
21,063
9
§
5,0
91
7,677
Mass.
278
85
ore
2,232
Mich.
Minn.
588
Payments
2,456
284
1,018
4
'51
4,016
455
1,240
1,358
$
1949-50
Fla.
Me.
Ma.
for Assembly commitby-laws,
credentials,
drafting, finance, (iio he nan
5]
March
|
2,378
222
1,197
—send names and qualifications of
your
tees
SO.
RECEIPTS
bet.
319
1,387
2,183
PLEASE—
111
&
Paid
Oct. '50-
10,000
Col
o.
Gok
Ga.
99
564
83
Calif.
[206
476
458
“ieee
ave:
D.C.
1,281
177
917
256
|S
260
1,508
246
1.213
oa
chairman.
its own chairman, C. M. Stanley,
to nom
128
118
H.
Deen aeeM ee,Counci
ASl CPalsoY ADRAauthor
ACESize
: d
431
849
300
A. J.
Thomas
2,647
955
G. Priest, who served in the same
capacity last year, for Assembly
chairman; Samuel Levering for
vice
eh.
10
258
will speak unless he is out of the
Coun
on
"164
ban-
Quota
oT
95
the
1950-51
1951
mise io
major
rather than
Convention
April
23
1950
Assembly would adopt and follow
QUOTAS
:
Leen
89
08h.
1,46
76
107
775
258
543
520
41
1,554
465
528
90
1,000
694
3,493
645
88
‘910
270
1,296
184
563
23
1,420
4,176
500
Loc
1,556
24
2.o0.
27
47
166
2,484,205
199
7,000
244,670*
;
B25
6,692
13,425
115,740
197,147
;
*This contrasts to proposed quotas totalling $301,586.20
Submitted with proposed Assembly budget and upon which the
Stalled budget {see
see opposite page) of $299,586.20 was based.
WASHINGTON
COLUMN
written this month by
Cabell Phillips
BOOKS
AND
PAMPHLETS
Pore Pius XII on Woritp FEDERAL GOoVERNMENT—A
pamphlet containing the complete text of the Pope’s statement in audience with delegates to the fourth Congress of
the World
Movement
for World
Government
with
a
reproduction of part of the issue of L’Osservatore Romano
which carried the story.
4 pp., 5¢; Association for
Education in World Government,
York 18.
11 W. 42nd St., New
FREEDOM OF INFORMATION: REPLIES FROM GOVERNMENTS, Vol. 1—A compilation of replies from governments regarding policies and principles governing freedom of information in various countries. 271 pp., $3.50;
Columbia University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York
27.
PLATFORM—A monthly booklet discussing in outline
form both sides of important questions of the day with
particular concentration on controversial issues such as
atomic control. A public service by the Club and Edu-
cational Bureaus of Newsweek. 20-25 pp., 25¢
copy, $1 per year (Sept. through May) ; Newsweek,
W. 42nd St., New York 18.
per
152
RADIO
“Unirep Nations Topay’—A 15-minute review featuring recorded voices of delegates taking part in UN
events around the world.
11:15-11:30 P.M., EST,
Mondays
through Fridays,
Mutual
radio network.
“Let’s TALK UN”—A weekly survey of UN activities
by Benjamin A. Cohen, UN Assistant Secretary General
in charge of public information. 6:00-6:15 P.M., EST,
Saturday, Liberty radio network.
““THE COMMITTEE ON THE PRESENT DANGER”’—A discussion by one member of the non-partisan citizens’
group, the Committee on the Present Danger, each week.
9:30-9:45 P.M. EST, Sunday, Mutual radio network.
RECORDS
“THE New Frontier’ —Thirteen 15-minute transcribed
dramatic shows on human rights. Most relevant to federalism is “The Man in the Plains,” the story of an
American officer who died in Palestine, starring Richard
Widmark. The series may be borrowed free of charge for
broadcast, or purchased.
33 1/3 RPM:
33 1/3 RPM:
for $2.00; 20¢
Education, 212
12
16-inch discs for radio stations,
$22.50. 12-inch discs for home, two sides
$15.00. Written scripts of all 13 available
individually. The Institute of Democratic
Fifth Ave., New York 10.
The nation is still groggy from the emotional catharsis of General Douglas MacArthur’s triumphal return
from exile. Even Washington, which customarily takes
kings, generals and other assorted heroes in its stride, very
nearly knocked itself out for “MacArthur Day’’.
What caused such an unprecedented demonstration
for a soldier who had just suffered the ultimate reproach
from his commander-in-chief ? What does it signify?
These possible explanations stand out.
1) There is a great deal of genuine admiration for
As of the moment, he is indisGeneral MacArthur.
putably the most popular man in the country. He is
colorful, he is dramatic and he manages, in the manner
of the classical hero, to surround himself with the aura
of romantic righteousness.
But more important in this regard is his standing
as a soldier. His military record, if not quite unblemished,
is hardly surpassed. And there is a mood among the
people—indeed, it is a trend of significant force—to turn
today to military men for leadership.
2) In stark contrast to this is the standing in public
Political obesteem of the Truman administration.
servers here agree that President Truman’s stock has
seldom been so low. The same applies, to a somewhat
lesser extent, to Secretary of State Acheson and Secretary
of Defense Marshall. Their Republican opponents have
hammered hard—and effectively—at the theme that this
trio, being the architects of our policy in the Far East,
are, ipso facto, the culprits of our costly embarrassment
there.
3) There is a deep sense of frustration over the
course of the fighting in Korea. The devious and complicated political objectives to which this government and
the UN are committed have never been made fully clear
to the man in the street (nor to all of those in the ivory
towers, either, for that matter). “The MacArthur thesis
of “Let’s get in there and hit ’em with everything we’ve
got’ makes, on the other hand, the kind of common horse
sense that is quickly and painlessly perceived.
This intensifies the public weariness with stalemate,
bloodshed, draft calls, high prices and high taxes. Whoever comes along with a plausible plan for cutting the
whole thing short is sure to get the people’s plaudits.
Whether General MacArthur has the right prescription for establishing peace in Asia is open to question. It
is significant that, in his address to Congress, he did not
once mention the UN, whose military commander he was,
nor the allied powers which shared some measure of the
fighting under him. The impression was left in many
minds that the General regarded his international commitments as an incumbrance.
The result of his blast, and probably a healthy one,
is that we are sure to have a full re-examination of our
whole policy in the Far East. It does not follow, however, that all those who shouted themselves hoarse in the
triumphal processions, or who sat dewy-eyed before their
television screens, have carefully thought through and
adopted the General’s thesis.
CABELL PHILLIPS is the Washington correspondent
for the Sunday Department of the New York Times.
The
Federalist
ee
SES
Se
FATHER CONWAY
sociate editor of
(above) is asAmerica, the
national Catholic weekly
review.
Pope Pius XIl
and World Federation
EDWARD
A.
CONWAY,
S. J.
It was always possible, of course, to prove that a
Catholic could be a Catholic and a federalist. But it
was necessary to string together texts from the Pope’s
Christmas allocutions—a hint here and a hint. there—
sufficient, however, to prove to the unprejudiced that
“the new world order” desired by the Pope was actually
some form of world federal government. But it was an
unsatisfactory business at best.
Do you wonder that I, as a world federalist, felt
grateful relief and warm satisfaction when I read these
words in the Holy Father’s April 6 discourse:
Your movement (the World Movement for World Feddedicates itself to realizing an eferal Government)
fective political organization of the world. Nothing is
more in conformity with the traditional doctrine of the
Church, or better adapted to her teaching concerning
legitimate or illegitimate war, especially in the present
circumstances. It is necessary, therefore, to arrive at an
organization of this kind, if for no other reason than to
put a stop to the armament race ... (Emphasis supplied).
approbation
should
end
once
WMWFG
proposes and which the Holy Father has endorsed is a
strictly limited one. Catholics who fear that a “world
state” of this sort would swallow up their personal liberties overlook one of nine “principles” adopted by UWF
1949, which reads:
and
tions.
Last September, Thomas H. Mahony—Boston attorney, former president of the Catholic Association for
International Peace, now chairman of the Catholic Commission on Intellectual and Cultural Affairs and for three
years chairman of UWF’s policy committee—published a
pamphlet called ‘‘Parallel Thinking, Catholic and Federalist, Upon the Organization of the World for Peace’.
Mr. Mahony made it clear that
... these proposals do not envisage a super-state in which
nations would be merged and lose their identity and
domestic autonomy—a unitary state or empire. They contemplate complete autonomy of each nation in its national
or domestic field. They merely propose a limitation of the
external authority or sovereignty of nations—the right to
make war...
“Absolute sovereignty”, of course, is the motto emblazoned on the banners of the embattled Catholic opponents of world government. I very much fear that a
mistaken notion about sovereignty inspires their charge
that world federalism is opposed to “Catholic patriotic
principles”. ‘To put it bluntly, I am afraid that they
have never accepted that “traditional doctrine of the
Church” with which, according to the Holy Father, the
world federalist movement is actually in accord. What
is that “traditional doctrine”? Pius XII forcefully defined
it in his Christmas Message of 1948:
The Catholic doctrine on the state and civil society has
always been based on the principle that, in keeping with
the will of God, the nations form together a community
with a common aim and common duties. Even when the
proclamation of this principle and tts practical consequences gave rise to violent reactions, the Church denied
her dssent to the erroneous concept of an absolutely au-
tonomous
(Emphasis
sovereignty
supplied).
divested
of all social
obligations
Is it too much to hope that the Holy Father’s latest
interpretation of that principle and its practical consequences—the ceding to a world government of enough
national sovereignty to save the world from catastrophic
war—will not “give rise to violent reactions’? My
modest hope is that it will inspire all American Catholics
to study
for
all the argument as to whether a Catholic can be a federalist. Whether it inspires Catholics to work actively
in the federalist movement remains, as I remarked once
before, “to be seen’. For my part, I cannot recall a more
May 1951
which
All powers not expressly delegated to the world federal
government should be reserved to the nations and their
peoples, thus leaving each nation its choice of. its own
domestic political, economic, social and religious institu-
the Holy Father had ever made a clear-cut and quotable |
statement dealing directly with world federal government. Unfortunately for me and other Catholic federalists, up to April 6, 1951, he had not.
solemn
in the problematical future.
The world federal government
in October,
The more I study the April 6 discourse of the Holy
Father, in which he gave his approbation to the world
federalist movement, the warmer grows my sense of satisfaction.
Some of the satisfaction that warms me comes, I
confess, from personal considerations. I have been hardpressed at times to defend my presence (with a Catholic
Bishop) on the National Advisory Board of United
World Federalists, Inc. The unfortunate and, for me,
embarrassing fact is that many American Catholics have
been turned against world federalism, and specifically
against UWF, by the absurd charge that the entire
federalist movement is a Communist conspiracy.
Almost daily during the past three years I have
received letters from Catholics—some inquiring, some
indignant—about my part in the federalist movement. It
would have been much easier for me to answer them if
That
forthright papal endorsement of any movement, either
Catholic, or, as this happens to be, nonsectarian.
Some Catholics, of course, are already saying that
the Pope approved only the general ideal of a far-in-thefuture world state, not any concrete program for its
proximate realizatien. None but nationalist diehards
would deny that he was talking on April 6 to a definite
group with a definite, even though not detailed, program.
The Pope implied clearly enough, it seems to me, that
the world political organization must be realized as
rapidly as possible “if for no other reason than to put a
stop to the armament race’—the current race, not one
this
remarkable
document.
Every
one
of
its
paragraphs is pregnant with meaning.
May thousands of American Catholics soon merit
the benediction the Pope called down on his federalist
visitors. May theirs be the mission of helping the world
federalists skirt the pitfalls which His Holiness warned
of their movement.
against in his cordial endorsement
13
What About Russia?
GRENVILLE
CLARK:
greatest chance to retain control would be to get the people
solidly behind him. He can win the everlasting affection of
his people by ending the arms race, thereby raising their
standard of living immediately. He would go down in
Russian history as the man who really gave the Russian
people that which had been denied them so many years.
Vice President, UWF
CARTER
‘Thoughtful persons everywhere now perceive that
universal and enforceable disarmament is the inexorable
price of peace. The potency of modern weapons requires
that it be in all arms and by all nations. To be feasible,
it must also be surely enforceable; it must be ‘“‘foolproof”’.
But this necessarily implies a comprehensive EastWest settlement, both in principle and as to the detailed
machinery to guarantee enforcement. Consequently, the
crucial questions: “Will Russia negotiate? Could any
nominal agreement be relied upon?”
Much current propaganda denies the possibility. I
affirm it, not on assumed good faith and mutual trust, but
based solely on cold self-interest and effective sanctions.
Many an enduring settlement has been made between opponents who deeply distrust each other, partly because they
might otherwise destroy each other and partly because the
law would strictly penalize a breach.
Let these principles be applied! Let new personalities
be brought in and new methods used, as outlined in my
book, “A Plan for Peace’. If this be done, I firmly believe
that a great settlement, based on disarmament, could
eventuate. At the least, let it be tried. And until really
tried, let us not siitrender to the defeatist dogma that no
East-West settlement is at all possible.
Chairman, UWF of Worcester (Mass.)
We cannot secure world peace without solving the
East-West conflict. World peace and progress call for
world federation. World federation is one solution by
which both sides would gain.
The three obstacles for Soviet leaders are: fear their
position would be undermined, distrust of an assembly
where they might be outvoted and hope of further conquests. We must overcome the last two, and not let the
fact that there is conflict halt our drive for peace. Peace
may be imposed on Russia by invitation, by moral suasion,
by economic sanctions, by superior strength, possibly by
arms. We cannot say at what point they will come along,
but we must continue to progress.
First make the goal America’s; then seek all the support we can get; then, with a substantial majority—with
or without Russia—integrate our policies on arms, colonialism, and technical and economic progress. Clearly, however, the immediate question for you and me is not ‘“What
about Russia?” but “What about U.S.A.?” The answer
depends on you and me.
CHARLES
Director of the Speakers Bureau, UWF of Minnesota
EDISON:
Chairman, UWF of Missouri
The continued advocacy of world federation and our
necessary defense program may produce a favorable reaction from Russia in one of two ways.
First, realizing that they could no longer expand without provoking the all-out war that they may wish to avoid,
leaders of the Kremlin might well agree to the peace and
guarantees of limited federation, for by then their own
people may be pressuring for higher living standards and
relief from their own armament program.
‘The other opportunity for peace that the advocation
and readvocation of world government presents to the
world is most intriguing and could happen suddenly. All
elements but one are lacking. Alexander, the Roman
Emperors, Lenin, Hitler and dictators throughout history
have had trouble transferring power to their successors.
At Stalin’s death there may well be a tremendous split and
falling out in the Kremlin. This could be the moment of
downfall of the Soviet government—the seeds are ever
there.
Whoever the next Russian dictator may be, it is entirely conceivable and possible that he will realize that his
14
RONALD
C.
HIGGINS:
C. McLAUGHLIN:
‘There are three methods of settling conflicts, whether
between individuals or nations: (1) threat or imposition
of force; (2) mutual agreement and cooperation; (3)
legal procedure for administering just decisions.
Concerning Russia, Method No. 1 is being tried and
found wanting. The greatest military preparations will
not permanently frighten Russia. While we can afford
it, an uneasy truce may perhaps be maintained, which is
well worth the billions it costs. But when that truce
ends the ensuing destructive war will solve nothing.
Concerning Russia, Method No. 2 is being tried and
found wanting. It assumes that men are sufficiently moral
to recognize clearly the claims of others and voluntarily
make concessions for the good of all. Such a high state »
of morality does not exist in our local communities. Why
do we assume it in the world community? Though
highly essential, cooperation alone is not enough.
Concerning Russia; Method No. 3 has never been
tried. Impractical to achieve because of the obstacles?
No—Methods 1 and 2 are impractical because they will
never produce the desired results. As the achievement of
a legal system with Russia seems difficult, so must our
endeavors be intensified. It may take years to effect the
The
Federalist
necessary changes in Russian attitudes and conditions for
participation. Our own changed attitudes are the prerequisite.
JOHN
RAGUE:
Executive Director, UWF of New York
Whether or not Russia will join a world government when it is first formed is unknown. At present, Russia’s leaders are opposed to world government because they
have a deep-seated fear of Western capitalism and because
they advocate the fomenting of revolutions in an attempt
to seize power. However, there are three compelling reasons that make it probable that Russia will join:
1) THE RUSSIAN EXPERIENCE IN WORLD WAR IL.
The
Russians
lost ten million
men,
25 per cent of their
industry and 50 per cent of their housing. In an atomic
war they are well aware that they stand a good chance of
losing their entire civilization.
2) THE COST OF THE ARMAMENTS RACE. Today, in
this period of armed truce, the world’s nations have twenty
million men under arms and are spending over $100 billions
of their
resources.
The
last war
cost
the
# ,
nations
over $1 trillion, 300 billions. This is only the beginning.
The men in the Politburo know that they cannot simultaneously engage in an arms race and forever keep their
people satisfied with a pitifully low standard of living.
3) THE ECONOMIC PULL. In a world government
of the hody muscles
HELPS KEEP
BODY FIT
where members exchanged techniques of production and
industrial know-how for the common good, Russia as a
non-member would soon be eclipsed. The Politburo
knows this.
DAVID
M.
the Exereycle” way
STANLEY:
lowa representative, UWF’s National Executive Council
Ninety per cent of all Americans are certain Russia
won't join any world government she can’t control. The
best answer to “What About Russia?” is therefore emphasis of the advantages that would accrue if we went
ahead without Russia in the event of Soviet refusal to
join. These include:
1)
A UN
Government,
unlike
any league or alli-
ance, will have armed forces which could deal with Korea
or any other limited war, without having to depend upon
unreliable national armies.
2) The danger of World War III will be reduced.
The entire UN Government would automatically be at
war if any of its member nations were attacked. This
certainty will prevent Russia from picking off the free
nations one by one. Will Russia attack the entire nonCommunist world if it has a united government, with its
own military forces and 85 per cent of the world’s industrial production?
3) Our moral position will be improved. We can
prove our desire for peace only by the deed of joining a federation which will eventually abolish national armaments.
4) “Federation of those willing’ may be the only
road to universal federation. The Politburo will probably
enter a UN Government when—and only when—it
realizes such a government is too strong to be conquered,
and that Russia can gain nothing by remaining outside.
NEXT MONTH: “Should the method of selecting
UWF’s National Executive Council be changed?”
May
1951
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a,
WHAT THEY SAY
66
“Senator Robert A. Taft (Rep., Ohio) urged today
that steps be taken at once toward amending the Charter
of the United Nations, which he said had ‘broken down as
a means of preventing war’. On the anniversary of the
opening of the United Nations Charter Conference in San
Francisco six years ago, Mr. Taft called for elimination of
the Security Council’s veto.”
AP story in The New York Times, April 26
“. . Don’t forget that Tennyson wrote those lines
(Locksley Hall) over a hundred years ago. And notice
also that part about universal law. We're going to have
that some day, just as sure as we have air war now. That’s
what I’m working for. I guess that’s what I’ve really been
working
pocket.”
for ever since I first put that poetry in my
Harry Truman as quoted by John Hersey in
the New Yorker, April 7
“Ts it too much to hope that we may see a radically
altered international situation a decade or more hence, a
free world secure on its own frontiers, a Soviet Union with
vastly diminished ambitions and pretensions, yet itself secure against invasion? Under such conditions, the United
Nations might well function as those who founded it first
dreamed. Under such conditions, steps toward disarmament would no longer be regarded as utopian... .
Because I believe that this will be, in fact, the case, and
because of my confidence in what free men can accomplish,
I venture to believe the second half of the twentieth century may yet prove to be a period of disarmament and
peace.”
Dr. James B. Conant, president of Harvard
University, in London,
April 24
“After long consideration
I have joined that school of thought
which holds that there is no durable
solution
(to the
problem
of peace)
short of the mutual and complete dis-
armament of the nations now comprising the United Nations. .. . Moreover,
it must be under an accepted world — :
government empowered to administer
the process of disarmament... .
99
Dr. Harold W. Dodds, president of
Princeton University, Sept. 17, 1950
Rirmor SPORTSWEAR
CoMPANY, INC
CLEVELAND,
16
OHIO
Proposed By-Law Revision
The following substitute for UWF By-law No. 10,
providing a new method of electing the members of
UWF’s
by
a
National Executive
group
of
state
branch
Council,
Council
has been proposed
delegates.
It
is
printed in conformity with UWF By-law No. 15, which
provides: “Any amendment, written notice of the sub-
mission of which shall have been mailed to every chapter
at least sixty days prior to any meeting of the General
Assembly, or published in the official publication of the
corporation at least thirty days prior to such meeting, may
be adopted by majority vote of the delegates present and
voting at such meeting.” Earlier revisions of By-Law
10,
one by UWF of Connecticut and the other by UWF of
New York, were mailed to UWF chapters on April 20.
A. The Executive Council shall consist of not more than
100 members of this corporation. The members of the Executive
Council shall be chosen as follows:
1) Fifteen Council members
shall be elected by the
General Assembly at its regular annual meeting. Nominations
for election to the Executive Council may be made by a nominating committee, but opportunity shall always be given for nominations by delegates to the General Assembly in accordance
with such procedure as the Executive Council may prescribe
and the General Assembly approve.
2) The Executive Council may co-opt not more than
twelve members.
3) The Student General Assembly shall elect two Council
members, plus one additional Council member for every 1,000
members of the Student Division. or majority fraction thereof.
However, the number of such additional Council members shall
be subject to the provisions of subsection A, (4), (b).
4) Council members shall be elected by the duly constituted state branches, including District of Columbia and territory branches, as follows:
a) One Council member shall be elected by each duly
constituted state branch.
b) One additional Council member shall be elected by
each state branch for every 1,000 members of the branch or
majority fraction thereof, including student members. However,
in any year in which the effect of this provision would be to
raise the total membership of the Executive Council above 100,
the following alternative provision shall become operative:
The sum of the fifteen Council members elected by the General
Assembly, the twelve co-opted Council members, the minimum
two Council members elected by the Student General Assembly,
and the minimum one Council member elected by each state
branch, shall be subtracted from the number 100. The remaining number of Executive Council seats shall be apportioned
among the state branches and the student division in direct proportion to the total membership of each state branch and the
student division.
c) However, no state branch shall be entitled to elect
more than five Council members. All Council members elected
by any state branch must be members of that branch.
d) The number of Council members which the state
branches and the Student General Assembly are entitled to elect
shall be based upon a count of members to be made as of sixty
days before the regular annual meeting cf the General Assembly. The number of Council members which each branch is entitled to elect shall be reported to the state branches at least fortyfive days before the regular annual meeting of the Assembly.
e) Each state branch shall elect its Council members
annually, during the forty-five days prior to the regular annual
meeting of the General Assembly. Any branch which fails to
hold an election of Council members shall not be represented
on the Executive Council until such an election is held. Each
branch may also elect one or more replacements, in order of
preference, who shall automatically replace any Council member or members elected by that branch who are among the
fifteen Council members elected by the General Assembly. If a
Council member elected by a branch is elected by the General
Assembly, and if that branch has not elected such a replacement, a caucus of the General Assembly delegates from that
branch, with each delegate casting the total number of votes
which he carries, shall choose a temporary Council member to
attend the first meeting of the Executive Council; the state
branch shall thereafter elect a Council member to serve for the
balance of the term.
f) Each state branch shall elect its Council members
The
Federalist
UNITED
WORLD
FEDERALISTS,
7 East 12th St., New York 3, ‘New York
INC.
Please enroll me (us) in United W orld Federalists:
Name
PN
sistemas
i eats lana isan
Ee
ne
ee
ee
ee
ee
a
ee
OS
YS
A
Oe
SOS
SN Se Ge
AE
Sh Sy AO Oe
cee
Oe Oe
ge OE
Re BE Oh ON OE Oe Oe OO
Er Ok
in a fair and representative manner. After such election, each
branch shall send the credentials of each councilor and replacement to the office of this corporation. Such credentials shall consist of a statement of the name and address of each elected
Council member and replacement, with an indication of the
order of preference among replacements, and a statement of
No Council member elected
the election procedure followed.
by a branch may be seated until his credentials are received
and accepted by the Executive Council, except for the temporary
Council members provided for by subsection A, (4), (e).
B. The first meeting of the new Executive Council elected
each year shall be held during the regular annual meeting of the
General Assembly. The terms of all Council members shall be-—
gin at this meeting and shall end when the next Executive Council
meets during the next regular annual meeting of the General
Assembly, except that the terms of Council members elected or
co-opted after the first meeting of the Executive Council shall
begin at the time of their election and shall end at the same time
as those of the other Council members. At the beginning of its
first meeting, the new Executive Council, which for this purpose
shall consist of the new Council members elected by the General
Assembly and the Student General Assembly, shall consider the
credentials of the Council members elected by the state branches
and shall seat them as soon as their credentials have been accepted. If the credentials of any Council member are not accepted,
this action shall be reviewed and final action taken, in accordance
with the provisions of subsection C, after the seating of the
Council members whose credentials have been accepted.
C. The Executive Council may refuse to seat or may remove
any Council member who was not elected in a fair and representative manner or does not satisfy the membership requirements of this corporation as stated in these by-laws.
Such
action may be taken by vote of two-thirds of the entire Executive Council after adequate notice and hearing.
D. Any Council member elected by a duly constituted state
branch may, for any particular meeting, designate in writing a‘
proxy representative from his state.
E. Vacancies shall be filled by the Executive Council, except
that a vacancy among the Council members elected by a state
branch shall be filled by that branch in the same manner as
required for the annual election of Council members.
F. Special provision for 1951 only: This by-law amendment
shall go into effect at the 1951 General Assembly, at which time
the General Assembly and Student General Assembly shall elect
Council members as provided above.
Council members who
have been elected by state branches within three months prior
to the 1951 General Assembly shall, if their credentials are
accepted by the Executive Council, be seated as duly elected
Council members. If any branch does not so elect its Council
members prior to the 1951 General: Assembly, the Council members to which that branch is entitled shall be chosen, on a temporary basis for the first meeting of the Council only, by a
caucus of the General Assembly delegates from that branch
with each delegate casting the total number of votes which he
carries. That branch shall thereafter elect its Council members
to serve for the balance of the terms.
Rec
sereinsitinpiensdnenetsonstaennae
School if Student
Single Membership $5 []
Couple $7.50 [J
College $2 []
High School $1.50 [Tj
All memberships include a subscription
Memberships received during first half
expire Dec. 31 of that year; memberships
latter half of a calendar year expire Dec.
year.
to THE FEDERALIST.
of a calendar year
received during the
31 of the following
recognizes that world government must bring together
“UWF
under a rule of law people of various ideologies throughout the
world. However, as a United States organization, UWF will not
knowingly admit or permit as members persons who are Communist or Fascist or others who seek to overthrow the government of,
or, in the interests of a foreign power, seek to weaken the United
States, or to change its form of government by other than constiBy-laws of United World Federalists, Inc.
tutional means.”
May
1951
MEMOS
To
: All UWF members
FROM: C. M. Stanley, Chairman of UWF’s National
Executive Council
RE
: Unity
The current controversies within UWF spring from
honest differences of opinion, from organizational growing
pains and from frustration in comparing UWF’s accomplishments with the tremendous challenge of the world’s
need for government.
‘The controversies are tolerable
only if they end promptly in decisions which advance the
cause of world government.
At the annual Assembly in June we must not only
reafirm our basic policies but we must also make UWF
more effective in developing public opinion to support
world
federation.
This
requires
the
organizational
changes now being considered by the Executive Council.
It requires the selection of leadership which will enjoy
the confidence of the organization and will revitalize all
activities.
It requires that we adopt neither a top level
nor grass roots approach, but rather an all level approach.
It requires that we change our emphasis from policy to
program and to the activation of program.
Moreover, it calls for a rededication by all of us to
the achievement of our goal of convincing our friends,
our neighbors and our Congressmen of the advantages
of world federation.
Now is the time for all good federalists to sell world
government to the U.S. Let us have done with our con-
troversies about doctrine and procedure.
Let us unite
on all great areas of agreement in the principles of federalism. Let us move forward.
*
*
*
TO
: Editor, THE FEDERALIST
FROM: Robert Wheelwright, Wilmington, Del.
RE
: Underworld Government
Vol. I, No. 1 of THE FEDERALIST, under the title
“Underworld Government”, cites agreements made between “gangsters and bootleggers” as an example of men
being “compelled to federate for survival”.
If, as the author implies, agreements made by underworld gangsters are an example of federal government,
and we should learn a lesson by following their methods,
then there is justification in the charges of the VFW that
UWF is Communistic. .. .
*
*
*
To
: Richard Strouse
FROM: Oliver A. Quayle III, Washington, D. C.
RE
: April “Question of the Month”
In the otherwise excellent first issue of THE. FEDERALIST, you omitted “world federation” as an answer to
“What Is the Most Effective Language to Describe
UWF’s Goal?” The following is my attempt to correct
what I consider a serious oversight.
In his testimony before the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, Grenville Clark used this quotation: ‘‘No
peace without law; no law without government.” What
kind? World federal government. There is no more
accurate phrase that describes UWF’s objectives.
However, this falls short from the sales standpoint.
It is a “mouthful” to say. Consequently it is usually abbreviated to “world government”. This immediately raises
doubts and suspicion in the minds of most Americans.
On the other hand, the phrase ‘“‘world federation” is
equally accurate, quicker to (Continued on next page)
17
MEMOS
(cont.)
say, easier to remember and not subject to abbreviation or
misinterpretation. The American people are familiar with
the word “federation’’; it is an acceptable phrase.
There is, of course, no one phrase that completely
states the aims and goals of UWF. Of them all, I find
the one that is virtually stated in our official name to be
the most effective.
*
*
*
Note: Mail reactions reaching UW F’s national office are
running approximately 20 to 1 in favor of THE FEDERALIst. Excerpted comments, in addition to the two printed
above, follow.
. . . I think that unless THE FEDERALIST is substantially improved, the members will in June vote for a return of World Government News, a step which, in my
opinion, would be in the_wrong direction. ...
Nez Parsons, Des Moines, Iowa
THE FEDERALIST surpasses my expectations; it realizes
my hopes!...
‘Trp Barr, Laguna Beach, Calif.
...1t can be made into a very constructive magazine.
MarGARET LAMBE, Washington, D. C.
Swell job and very much needed... .
GrorcE W. Biopcett, Santa Fe, N. M.
I hope that we can maintain the pace set by the April
number and that I can send you an ad for an early issue.
GeorcE Lewis II, Tallahassee, Fla.
CIVILIZATION
ON TRIAL
“There is nothing to prevent our Western
civilization from following historical precedent,
if it chooses, by committing social suicide. But
_ we are not doomed to make history —
repeat itself. ... What shall we do to be saved?
In politics, establish a constitutional co-operative system of world government. ... If the
United Nations organization could grow into
an effective system of world government,
that would be much the best solution
of our political crux.”
Arnold J. Toynbee, historian
Smith
Restaurant
&
Barbecue,
Inc.
CLEVELAND, OHIO
. .. for goodness sake change the cover and some of
the layout. The cover, with its frivolous lettering, is in
the wrong mood and style for an organization like ours.
We aren’t an avant-garde literary movement or a college
magazine. he name FEDERALIST ought to be in strong,
clean, conservative letters, and the inside layout should not
be tricky or gimmicky but straightforward and clean... .
Rogpert D. FRANKLIN, Toledo, Ohio
. . . give us chapter activities news
plicated in FYI).
each writer.
(even if it is du-
Limit feature articles to one page for
Morrison VANCLEVE, Toledo, Ohio
... a stirring and remarkable achievement!
RAYMOND SwInc, Washington,
D. C.
. . crisp and trenchant... .
J. C. Martone, New York, N. Y.
I like the new magazine.
James P. Warsura,
New York, N. Y.
The first issue of THE FEDERALIST is just about what
the doctor ordered. Bravo to all of you for the courage
to make the much-needed change.
.
Now for a few suggestions.
Cover needs more dignity... .
A major deficiency of WGN was that it didn’t pro-
vide communications
among
members,
chapters, branches,
officers. What’s happening in Florida? What successful
methods are used in lowa? What important people have
joined recently? Looking eagerly for this kind of news in
the first issue, I was disappointed to find so little.
}
“Time is running out on man.
As it slips away, 1t becomes more and
more apparent that a world government with the
authority to enforce world law is the one
instrument that can prevent disaster.”
The Honorable Luther Youngdahl,
Governor of Minnesota, as a “member
of the cast” of “The Myth that Threatens
the World”, Minneapolis, April 30, 1951
Nearly one-fourth of all the space was given over to
three feature articles, each of which does virtually the
thing: advance arguments for world government.
issue need contain no more than one such article.
space thus gained, in my opinion, should then be given
same
Each
The
over
to the subject of organizational news.
|
Too bad that that “Underworld Government” thing
gotin!...
18
ANCHOR RUBBER PRODUCTS, INC.
;
Cleveland, Ohio
Epwin C. Hirscuorr, Minneapolis, Minn.
‘The
Federalist
a
ae
ER
ERS
ET SO
SUR
URE
WHAT
THEY
ASK
AN.
ry
“How much more expensive to UWF was the first issue
of THE FEDERALIST than World Government News?”
LEE MEIsELs, Chicago, Ill.
“It may be objected
e It was less expensive. The twelve pages of the
April issue of THE FEDERALIST not financed by advertising
cost UWF 8 8/10’s cents ($00.0881) per paid-up UWF
member; the March issue of World Government News,
including the yellow UWF insert, cost UWF 10 8/10
cents ($00.1081) per paid-up member.
:
‘The eight pages of THE FEDERALIST which were financed by advertising showed a profit.
Sears,
?
is the source
Roebuck
did
closer
unbelievably
modest
3
average annual business from 1939-42?
Juris. Corzier,
$7
within
. . . But
:
times,
precedented
unprecedented
millions
:
St: Louis,
union
effective.
of the note in your last issue that
an
that the various nations
are not yet ready for the degree of surrender
of sovereignty necessary to make such a
3
“What
EDITORIAL
apparent
PE
ing,
Mo.
e By omitting two zeros, THE FEDERALIST managed to be 10,000 per cent wrong. Sears’ net sales for
the 1940-41 Fecal
year totalled approximately $700
millions ($704,301,014.00 to be exact).
we
have
are
Nations
indeed
un-
ponte
es
then we may expect
survival
may
United’
if these
reaction.
that
|
the
When
depends
a new
B
point
it becomes
upon
unit-
P
of view.”
The Boston Herald, Dec. 8, 1950
“What is the top salary paid to any UWF national-office
executive or employee?”
SALLIE larry, Richmond, Va.
e $10,000 per year. Three important executives—
Mrs. J. Donald Duncan, executive director; Marion
Etcheverry McVitty, assistant to the president; and Edward W. McVitty, field director—are full-time volunteers.
|
COLMAN
BROTHERS
Cleveland
Ohio
|
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Partecipanti al Congresso del « Movi- ment de quelques voiz, pe
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nine les
The entire discourse of His Holiness, Pope Pius XII, in audience with delegates to the
fourth Congress of the World Movement for World Federal Government on April 6 at
the Vatican is now carefully translated and reprinted in a compact four page pamphlet
along with the entire text in the original French. Single copy, 5¢; 100-500, 4¢ each;
600-1,000, 3¢ each.
The Association for Education in World Government is a new
organization in the field of education and research pointed
toward a strengthened UN. In addition to the above pamphlet,
‘
;
;
:
numerous speakers on varied international topics are available
to organized groups or special meetings. Additional literature
and visual aids are obtainable. Write for complete information.
SPEAKERS
PAMPHLETS
VISUAL
ASSOCIATION
Hulda
May
1951
AIDS
FOR
Goetz,
EDUCATION
Executive
Secretary
e
11
IN
West
47th
WORLD
St.,
New
York
GOVERNMENT
18,
N.
Y.
19
building for...
The builder of houses must be a practical business man.
Yet he cannot help but think of the time when his plans,
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cannot help but wonder sometimes what kind of
a future these children will face.
We hope that the future will be one of peace and
security ...a world where both people and nations know
the rules and live by them, a world of happy homes.
That’s the future we’re building for.
Property Sales Company
900 Court Square Building e Baltimore 2 ¢ Maryland
- Item sets