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United Farm Workers Organizing Committee
-
box: 344
folder: 14
-
1966
-
FERLGRINACTON
NATIONAL PARI’ 7OR"E°S ASSN.
P.O.
Delano,
Dear
Box
894
Galif.
Friend,
Thank you for your kind contribution to’the Peregrinacion,
Your support has meant a great deal to the Feregrinos in their
march from Delano to Sacranento.
It has enabled us to provide shoes
Sleeping
bags,
and
other
such essentials
for the rarchers,
At the tine of this mailing the Yererrinos are in the Courtland
Hood Area, nearing Sacramento,
Enclosed is a map and a sehedule of
the Pilgrinage into Sacrariento,
s@ hore that you ‘rill be able to join
along the way and be with us on Sunday for
the reregrinos somewhere
Raster Services and the Fiesta,
Thank you again,
VIVA IA CAUSAS
/ ¢
eee
Jj z thtid
4
7
—
Katky. Lynch
Delano
larch
A
oF
Geet
NATIONAL
FARM
WORKERS
4HetIHMHHHHHR Aes:
ASSOCIATION
-PEREGRINACTON
4
E
C
A
R
G
A
a
.
i
B
nm
9) 4
Vv OV (APR.
,_ gegtetlierso
Ss
.
Our Lady
Guadalupe
of
SOUTH SIDE PARK
(SUN, APRs: D0}
(yf ejesesrora
FRI. APR.
8)
IN COURTLAND -HOOD AREA
(THUR. APR. 7)
Franklin
” Woodbridge
<WAaa Woodbridge
J-8
m
Sak
Ss
Pye
ater,
—
fy aat if
¢
Ae,
—
Fay
fey
Pu y
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we
“I
Rd.
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8=6LODI
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APA
8)
Church
NATIONAL FARM WORKER S ASSOCIATION-PEREGRINACION~-DELANO A SACRAMENTO
,
|
2
*S CHEDULE *
Sunday,
April 3
Stockton
Monday,
April 4
Rest in Stockton
Tuesday,
April 5
For Information
Phone 442-8162
;
—
Lodi.
Weanesdeyy, ye, 2
€
‘
April9
Saturday,
April
Sunday,
|
8:30
lv.
rtess5
Ss
Viernes
Sahado
:
%K
encanennscsnbeusnexes.
eukitios
aie
Pig
Stockton
en Stockton.
De scahso
Lodi
Abril
Thornton
Abril
8 de
En
el
Viemnes
|
velada
Santos
da
ae
Club,
7:00
Freeport
Via-Crusis
P.M.
8:30 A.M. salir de Freeport, 4:00 llegara la
escuela Catolica en West Sacto. que se llama-Our Lady of Gra ce, cena a la s 5:00 P.M.
Abril
de
Sports
Freeport
ae
225-0) % sMol4
7:00 de la tekde.
.
el
Hood y rreaee
de
area
& En’el
z.§ a ‘Abrik
10
7:00-rally~bonfire.
5:00 dinner,
RE RIK IK shndd bank
ve la-da
Domingo
7:00
of Grace
Lady
Our
ar.
|
Rally
Crosse
the
-ESCBLA,
PEREGRINACION, DELANO A BACR AMENTO
de
9.de
of
4:00,
Freeport,
OR
Miercughes
OEE
Freeport.
9:00 Easter Services, Our Lady of Grace, 11:00 lve
for Capitol. 1:30 ralky at Capitol. 3:30-lv. Capitol
for Church-Benediction, Candle ceremony ‘as & Te. St.
43:00 Fiesta, Southside Park, th ibe
19
Lune s ¥% de Abril
Ma
Stations
West Sactoe,
de Abril
3
Domingo
Good
Friday
YOGI
EE OK
SK
Sports Club,
Freeport
April 8
Friday,
Rally 630-7300
A rea,
Courtland
Hood
7
April
dey
)
A.M.
9:00
Abril
-
P.M.
7:00
domingo
Misa
Pascua
de
con
el
Sr.
Obis po Bells. 10:00 A.M. Servicios Prote stantes,
1:30 P.M.
11:06 Salir pa ra el Capitolio,
Junta rse en el Captiolio,
rumbo al Templo de Nus stra
en las
af Vt)
Calles
D
M
7 & Ts
“on
on
rr
Habra
on
ae
‘Som
3:30 P.M. sa lir del
Senora de Guadalupe
benedicion,
Se
PN
me fs
on
are
on
on
Pi,
rN
(A
,
fe
FEDERAL
PAY
RAISE
_
ISSUED WEEKLY FOR INFORMATION
1003 K STREET N.W.
percent. The pay increase would start
July
1 although President
Johnson
had recommended that the increase
not start until next January. More than
18 million classified, postal and related categories would benefit from
the
package
which
also
includes
some fringe benefits. Now the Senate
Office
and
Civil
Service
Com-
mittee will hold hearings. No major
changes are expecied. The total of
$471.8 million annual cost is believed
to fall within
the
President's
3.2
guideposts.
Direct cost of the pay bil! amount
to $421.2 million. Retirement at the
emplovee's option at age 55 after 30
years of service or at age 60 after
20 years of service will cost about
$23
million.
Other
fringe
beneiits
such
as
increased
uniform
allowances,
postal
seniority
adjustments
and
increased
governmental
contributions to the health benefits program come to about $27.6 million.
In addition the bill includes “non-
guidepost costs’ which
amount
to
$101.2 million. The committee did not
include them in the total. These include overtime for classified employees and postal supervisors; Sunday
premium pay for classified and wage
board (blue collar) workers; recomputation of annuities for those retired
between 1948 and 1962. An additional
provisions
permits
ployees
or
continue
receiving
NLRB
retirees
widows
who
WASHINGTON
1,
D.
C.
April 9, 1966
VOTED
é
In a
yet! call vote, the House of
“entatives approved an increase
Sf
2.85 percent for all federal employees except those in the three
supergrades
who
will receive a 2
Post
APR 8 1966
OF SUBSCRIBERS
of
remarry
em-
to
annuities.
TRIAL EXAMINER FINDS
AGAINST TEAMSTERS
An
NLRB
trial examiner
recommended to the NLRB that the Teamsters Union be removed as bargaining agent for a Washington fuel oil
firm. Louis Libbin, the examiner, said
the Teamsters did not represent a
majority of the employees of Central
Fuel Oil, Inc., when a contract was
signed
last August.
Moreover
the
(Continued on next page)
THIS WEEK WE REPORT ON:
ON
ca os
Eo
eer
ee
ee
ormea
IN
BREAKTHROUGH
ee
A
spectacular
major
victory
GRAPES:
in the
development
this
of 250,000 farm workers took place
organization
week when the Schenley Industries
Inc. a major grape grower
agreed to bargain with a union representing field workers.
This marks an important stage in an 8=-month strike involving
several thousand grape pickers in California.
This
farm
is
labor
sentatives
the first
force.
and
the
The
agreement
National
of
betweeen
Farm
Workers
California's
Schenley
the
Association
huge
repre-
took
The NFW
place in the AFL-CIO headquarters in Los Angeles.
is headed by Cesar Chavez, organizer of the NFW, who has been
leading workers in a long 300-mile march from Delano, California, to Sacramento, the state capital.
They were due there
Easter Sunday,
after 25 days on the road.
the
organizing
been
have
labor groups
two
Actually,
farm workers -=the NFW and the Agricultural Workers OrganThe grape pickers have been
izing Committee of the AFL-CIO.
receiving financial and organizing support from the national
headquarters of the AFL-CIO.
Following the AFL-CIO convention which passed a resolution in support of the grape pickers
Strike, Walter Reuther, as head of the Industrial Union de=
went on the picket line and
partment and the Auto Workers,
pledged
considerable
continuing
financial
support
to
the
grape
pickers.
A few weeks ago a Senate subcommittee, headed by Harrison
and
in California,
held hearings
(D. N.J.)
Jr.,
Williams,
with Senator Robert F. Kennedy sitting in, dramatized the
Kennedy marched with
Strike and plight of the grape pickers.
the strikers and engaged in a colloquy with community leaders
who opposed unionization.
At one time,
a local
Catholic
priest heatedly objected to Kennedy's presence, and deplored
his support of collective bargaining for the farm workers.
Whereupon Kennedy
said,
with a smile,
"Father,
I'll pray
for you next Sunday."
The problem of organization of farm workers is one of the
most frustrating in the labor field.
-Out of such efforts,
there
have
usually
emerged
more
heartbreaks
than
member-
There is little doubt
ship, more bitterness than stability.
that several significant events have moved to this new devel-
The chief one is legal: the fact that with the elimiopment.
nation of Public Law 78 Mexican braceros are no longer an inThis meant
evitable part of the California farm labor force.
that
more
resident workers there could proceed to organization
confidently without imminent danger of being undermined
by an influx
COPYRIGHT,
JOHN
of seasonal
HERLING'S
LABOR
workers
LETTER,
INC.
from
across
the Rio
Grande.
it
While the membership of NFW is largely Mexican-Americans,
Its leader Cesar Chavez is considered a
is U. S.-oriented.
natural and effective spokesman.
Leader of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee
Heading up the AFL-CIO Department of Organizais Al Green.
tion is William R. Kircher who has been throwing maximum AFLIt was he who arranged the meetCIO energies into the fight.
He also marched
ing between Schenley and the NFW leadership.
in the Delano-Sacramento trek.
struck Since last September along with more
Schenley,
recognized the
than 30 other Central Valley grape growers,
NFW as sole bargaining agent for
tions for a formal contract will
Negotiaits farm workers.
start within 30 days, to be
concluded within the following month.
With the announcement of the Schenley agreement, another
Significant development was imminent with the report that the
DiGiorgio, the largest grape growers (Schenley is second) was
This session,
ready to make a "Significant" announcement.
whatever its character, was arranged before the Schenley anthe DiGiorgio plan triggered SchenPresumably
nouncement.
in most
ley action, because Schenley Industries is unionized
other sectors, its management believed that its public relations posture was being threatened by the spread of support
A boycott against the
for the strike and its continuance.
Central Valley grape growers, with Delano as its center was
to determine how compelling the
It is difficult
underway.
if a
But
out to bee
as such has turned
economic boycott
it's likely to be
liquor company has bad public relations
in trouble.
The DiGiogio corporation has offered to submit the union
representation question to a vote of its employees.
But the
NFW representatives
who were present as observers at the
DiGiorgio news conference in San Francisco, where this proposal was announced,
pointed out that the company has replaced about 1000 of its employees with strikebreakers since
if the vote were
MThus,
began.
September when the strike
the chances are that under present
taken in this situation,
So the DiGiorgio
conditions the no-union vote would carry.
offer is considered
by the union people
to be weighted
against
would be held under state
Representation elections
them.
law since
the NLRB
jurisdiction
does not
extend
to farm
workers.
|
Although the NFW has been an independent and indigenous
organization, this latest move brings them closer to affiliais a
"This agreement
Kircher said:
tion with the AFL-CIO.
new chapter in labor history. . We look forward to the day
when
this
movement
(NFW)
is
part
of
the
great
mainstream
of organized labor." Chavez said his independent union planned to join the AFL-CIO and credited Kircher with reestablishing communication between his union. and Schenley.
|
Despite the Schenley -- and perhaps the DiGiorgio -- dine
vaicak.
the. Council of California Growers deplored the
Sschenley agreement,
ative
of
California
said that
Schenley
agriculture
where
"was
not
growers
represent—
steadfastly
NLRB—(Continued)
company
“rendered unlawful assistance and support to the Teamsters.”
The act finding was made following
a complaint brought by the Steamfitters Union Local 602, which has
been competing with the Teamsters
for the right to represent the workers
in the company.
In addition to recommending that
the company remove the Teamsters
as representative of their employees,
the company was also ordered to pay
back to its employees all the money
spent for Teamsters initiation fees and
dues.
According
to the iestimony,
the
employer was handed a package of
application cards to support the claim
of the Teamsters’ business agent. But
Libbin found that the employer informed the Teamsters’ business agent
he would recognize his union as bargaining agent—'’without counting or
looking at the cards or having them
checked against the payroll."" Shortly
after,
the
Steamfitters
Union
complained, declaring that it, and not the
Teamsters’
Union,
represented
majority of the workers.
SHIP
FIRM
PLEDGES
BIAS
the
END
Threat of a lawsuit by the Federal
government persuaded a nuclear submarine contractor to halt traditional
discriminatory employment practices.
During negotiations, the Labor Deagencies
Federal
ordered
partment
not to place new contracts with the
Newport News Shipbuilding and Drydock Company. This company is the
builder also of the only nuclear aircraft carrier. Funds for another, costing $400 million are being sought by
the Defense Department.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., chairman
of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, described the consigned by the
ciliation agreement
company as one of the ‘most compre-
hensive” in the commission's
month history.
The Newport firm, employing
nine-
about
19,000, agreed to take remedial action
to compensate for past discriminatory
denials of promotion to Negroes, to
eliminate segregated facilities, and to
bring Negroes into the apprenticeship
program. -
The -company also promiséd preferential hiring for supervisory positions among Negroes whose skill and
experience exceeded that of recently
promoted
whites.
It
also
agreed
refuse to sell out their
that does not represent
to
hire an outside expert to determine if
Negroes were getting less pay than
Considerable
Civic and academic
whites for equal work, as had been
charged.
If the expert finds this to be so, the
shipyard company promises
promotions if necessary.
employees
them."
and force
them
into
a union
satisfaction was expressed in religious,
circles which have contributed practical
and propaganda
support to the farm workers
organizational
drive.
Catholic, Protestant and Jewish clerical and lay leaders were particularly active.
remedial
Other promises included the use of
polite terms
of address
to Negro
workers,
open
bidding
for vacant
jobs, recruitment in Negro schools
and disciplinary action against em-
IMPACT
OF
THE
recent
ployees, presumably white, who violated the new company policy.
The agreement was praised as ‘ex-
GRAPE
years
PICKERS
have
STRIKE:
aroused
so
Few
much
labor
attention
events,
in
and
in
out-
Side the labor movement.
Quite obviously, traditional labor
tactics were fortified by techniques
developed during the
Civil rights agitation.
Moreover, organized labor has needed
a "basic cause" to dramatize.
The unorganized farm workers
have long been a frustrating concern of the union movement.
The latest
development
has given union-people a sense’ of
achievement in what had turned out to be a crusade and a preview of victory.
emplary’ by the legal defense and
educational fund of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored people.
When
the commission came into
existence last July, the complaints
against the shipyards
were
among
the first received .They came from
4] out of the 5,000 or so Negro work-
RAIL
LABOR'S
INTERNAL
and inconvenience
to forget that the
AND EXTERNAL
STRUGGLE:
Annoyance
resulting from strikes impel many of
self-help
labor union is the first
ers employed in the shipyard. Then
followed an investigation of the complaints, and the Commission found
them to be generally correct. For example, it found that only 32 out of
us
The company did not appear ready
to
negotiate
compliance
until
the
Justice Department was asked to take
legal action. This was in February.
Whereupon the company said it was
ready to talk. Navy Department officials, who had been unable to move
the company, reinforced the unspoken threat of contract cancellations.
On March 25, the Labor Department
While this situation is understood in the abstract and
we proudly declare that the right to strike is a basic freedom which distinguishes
life under democracy from totalitarianism, the actual fact is that when a union calls its workers out on strike -=a call which is usually made with great
reluctance and as a last resort -—the union leadership almost immediately becomes a target of attack by many who pay
lip service to the "right to strike."
The realizain the struggle against poverty.
organization
tion of that essential purpose has been a continual struggle
power plays and
beset by legal boobytraps,
over the years,
cynical restraints.
1,997 persons
in supervisory
posts
were Negroes; there were only six
Negroes out of 506 apprentices.
voiced
the threat—while
negotiations
Certainly, there are times when a strike can be foolish
or unnecessary.
But the record fails to show when the necessity of a strike was acknowledged even by those who recognize the strike as a valid social expression.
fThe fact is
that unions move into the strike area=-- which means they withhold their services -- only as the ultimate stage in a dis-
were in progress. The firm was then
ordered barred from a contract about
to be awarded for a new nuclear submarine.
That order was
rescinded
only after the agreement was signed.
For a long time, major defense contractors considered their role too vital
to national
security
to make
pute with their employers in an effort to get a better shake
for their members,
to resist
or slow down the managerial
pressures
which may result
in increased unemployment.
it fear
contract cancellation. Apparently this
consideration is no longer adequate
protection
crackdown
against
in such
a
governmental
a context.
Indeed, if union leaders fail to»push for the job security
of their members,
they would promptly be declared derelict
in their responsibility and be regarded as violators of the
Moreover, they would forfeit
trust imposed upon them by law.
the confidence of their membership.
OPERATING ENGINEERS
ARBITRATION
v The
first.
arbitration
meeting
be-
In
tween Operating Engineers, Local 825,
the Associated General Contractors of
New Jersey, Secretary Wirtz and Ray- (Continued on next page)
the
terminated
|
by division
‘industry,
railroad
by
judicial
firemen's
edict,
within the ranks
the
vexing
and
strike
the
which
crisis
of labor.
complicated
For,
is
has
just
made “sharper
in the
‘problems
been
of
railroad
techno-
a
change
logical
has
taken
ENGINEERS—(Continued)
through
aspect
ugly
especially
on an
the maneuvering of one union against the other.
of Firemen
"brotherhoods"
between the
This cleavage
|
and Enginemen on the one hand, and the Locomotive Engineers
other,
on the
seems
to be abetted
unfortunately
mond
of
pattern
management
While the
proposals rather unique in industrial history.
Engineers leadership prides itself on such "statesmanship,"
trade union spokesmen describe the Locomotive Engineers witheringly as an "Uncle Tom" outfit.
nsh, a fully har
ablo
enii
gn
undt
be a
While this desimay
page ad inserted in leading newspapers by the Association of
American Railroads praises the Engineers Union for its "con-=
the
lambasts
it
while
attitude,
structive"
the
With
interruption
of the
Firemen's
vision between these labor organizations
strike,
has become
the
accompanied by Hunter P. Wharton,
oresident of the International Union of
MarSpencer
Engineers.
Operating
Jersey
sellis, president of the New
contractors, represented that organiza-
di-
sharper.
tion.
on a
find themselves
The embittered and embattled unions
collision course which may lead to the dismal swamp of inter=
Many years ago, bands of railroad workers
necine warfare.
were armed by their employers, placed on flat cars which ran
and waged a running battle
up and down on parallel tracks,
Such extremes are no longer
in a hail of bullets and blood.
possible.
|
But while we, thankfully, have moved beyond such physical violence, there is unmistakable evidence in the public
and private behavior of the labor leadership that their disagreement has rocked the stability of labor-management relaThe Firemen and Enginemen's Union is especially retions.
sentful that in what it regards as its legitimate struggle
to protect the present and future job security of its members, the Engineers' leadership ordered its members to walk
through the Firemen's picket line.
What we have today is a disturbing
warfare by other means in the railroad
throwback
industry.
U.
in an
is a moral
good faith
internal
labor
compulsion between
negotiations.
Yours
April
9,
fight.
In
unions
very
and
the
railroad
to
there
was
THIS
LETTER
IS
EXCLUSIVELY
FOR
SUBSCRIBERS,
NOT
Editor
TO
BE
REPRODUCED
109.3 to 100.
‘The nonwhite (chiefly Negro) farm
population in April 1965 was estimated to total 1,514,000 persons, 12
of the Nation's total farm
percent
population. The nonwhite farm population continued to decline at a speedier tate than the white population.
on farms decreased by
Nonwhites
4] percent compared to 17 percent
decrease for whites during 1960-65.
resume
1966
JOHN HERLING,
12.4
were 108.4 males for every 100 fe
males on farms. In 1960, this ratio
truly,
ete
POPULATION
MILLION
A high ratio of males to females
continues to be a distinctive feature
of the farm population. In 1965, there
to guerilla
The least
meantime,
S. FARM
persons
12,363,000
estimated
An
lived on farms in April 1965, a drop
of 3.3 million from April 1960, according to the Census Bureau.
The total April 1965 population of
the United States was estimated at
193 million persons; thus, the farm
population made up 6.4 percent of the
total, compared with 8.7 percent at the
time of the 1960 Census. A decline
in the farm population was reported
each year since 1960, but the decline
between 1964 and 1965 was not statistically significant.
that railroad management could do is to avoid the impression
of sponsoring == or appearing to sponsor == one union as against
another
to a
of
economics
the “complete
probe
the situation’ in New Jersey, including wages, hours of work, and propresumably,
study,
This
ductivity.
would relate the state’s experience to
that of the nation, Wirtz said.
Peter Weber, head of the local, was
ginemen's Union because of its insistence on bargaining for
an apprenticeship program to raise the job qualifications
apparently,
fear,
the Engineers
What
of its membership.
is that an upgraded fireman might become a competitor for
an engineer's job.
|
Commis-
25 to determine the impact of the
disputed construction contracts. The
Labor Secretary said the study would
and En-
Firemen
J. Labor
comprehensive study of New Jersey
construction contracts.
This economic study will be prepared by a private consulting firm,
Goggi & Race, of New York.
The study will be used in the arbitration when it is submitted on April
by railroad
to
acquiescence
and
accommodation
N.
Male,
sioner resulted in an agreement
s
t
n
y to the Engineers Union.
lit
tia
y par
plae
g
dism
che
whi
mana
Over the years, the Locomotive Engineers Union has displayed
a
F.
IN
WHOLE
OR IN
PART.
ct
fa
in
t
n
e
m
e
v
o
m
al
ci
so
a
1. ‘This is the beginning of
_
d
o
G
c,
si
ba
r
ou
ek
se
,
s
We
t
i
e
m
e
c
n
and not in pronou
- given rights as human beings. Because we have sufr
u
s
to
r
e
d
r
o
n
i
r
e
f
f
u
s
to
d
i
a
r
f
a
t
o
n
e
r
a
fered--and
;
r
ou
en
ev
,
ng
hi
yt
er
ev
up
giye
to
y
vive, ; we are read y=
ything,
P
lives,
in our fight for Social justice.
:
money.
with excessive work to the point where their minds
We shall do it
—
D
GO
,"'
out
rn
wo
ies
bod
ir
the
and
led
eeb
enf
me
co
be
|
SHALL NOT ABANDON US,
To the
without violence becausethat is our destiny.
in.
y,
Sa
we
us,
se
po
op
o
wh
e
os
th
all
to
d
an
,
rs
ranche
|
DE
AL
O
ET
SP
RE
EL
''
,
ez
the words of Benito Juar
_
lCa
of
e
at
St
e
th
in
ke
ri
St
e
ap
Gr
iated with the Delano
|
th
wi
r
bo
la
rm
fa
in
e
ic
st
ju
al
ifornia, seeking soci
those reforms that they believe necessary for their
well-being as workers in these United States.
ie es adel
ened,
.
|
°
gathered in Pilgrimage to the
n
ig
re
ve
so
d
an
ee
fr
as
s
er
rk
Wo
rm
Fa
of
gs
in
il
fa
e
th
men,
do solemly declare before the civilized world
to
on
ti
na
e
th
re
fo
be
d
an
s,
on
ti
ac
which judges our
_ which we belong, the propositions
to end the injustice that oppresses
:
|
7
3
. We are conscious of the historical
Pilgrimage. It is clearly evident
—
’
=~
a
ed
in
rm
te
de
en
be
ve
ha
ns
io
it
nd
co
g
in
rk
wo
ges and
system; they have also suffere
th
oe
;
—
ae
7
‘
ge4
oa
;
P
y
ta
re
°
°
e
sw
ar
ye
y
an
om
to
ernment, in our struggl. For
‘
.
e
e
a
e
a
e
gg
.
“e
.
“
p
oo
st
|
wa
r
Ou
w.
lo
e
th
of
have been treated like the lowest
"gnecial case".
unjust system,
ee b se Saad
They saw the obvious effects of an
starvation wages,
migration, sickness,
i
contractors, days
illiteracy,»
f
ee
eee sa
ae
avi
hich
ome AA
“—
d
te
ac
d
an
,
ns
io
it
nd
co
ng
vi
li
n
ma
hu
bsu
d
camps an
4
d th
wi
th the
oni
oa
ne
“é pe
at OUl oe
4
ee
aes
hildre
that ;
h
me
on
_
ae
2
bac
ree
,
i
ton Bae
alata i.
gee
ef
e hunger —
7 wae be coe ed to 1 oT
:
will
ee
now
o
o
oa
oe
e
t
o
p
E
W
©.
rwo
rm
fa
e
.
Th
es
asif they were irremediable caus
|
.
RE
DU
EN
t
_
ou
pth
re
wi
-te
o
fa
n
dt
ow
s
ne
hi
do
an
ab
en
be
s
ha
r
ke
|
ee
d
an
y
rc
me
ct
to
pover--subje
yesentation, without
n
e
a
We
e,
tt
tn
i!
sl
We
S:
=:
f2
Oo
s.
nt
wa
of
d
re
We are ti
caprice of the —
le a Sak of th
- 5
t that
on - betrayals, of indiffereme. To the politicians we
e
ve
ss ose
Cae
oe
9 tg :
aes
rei 2
ry
se
mi
e
th
y
rt
ve
po
e
th
ng
di
en
of
e
os
rp
pu
e
th
r
fo
: _
sa
wa
er
rk
Wo
rm
Fa
e
th
of
ht
ig
pl
e
th
at
th
nt
me
gu
ar
hauls, forced
=
we have formulated
.
us.
.
3
._—
significance of our.
__
that our path tra-
We
e.
us
ca
r
ou
n
wi
to
r
de
or
in
er
ff
su
to
not afraid
e
th
in
es
im
cr
d
an
ls
il
ed
er
mb
nu
un
ed
er
have suff
d
an
n,
me
wo
n,
me
r
Ou
.
nd
La
e
th
of
name of the Law
of
Waubality
at cay the b
at
d
an
ps
ou
gr
l
ca
ti
li
po
all
f
to
or
pp
su
e
th
ek
se
We
2.
ov
rg
ou
so
al
s
hi
ic
wh
,
nt
me
rn
ve
go
e
th
of
protection
from above, because irresponsible legislators who
s
r'
he
nc
ra
e
th
d
te
or
pp
su
ve
ha
,
us
d
pe
el
‘h
ve
ha
could
|
all
r
fo
e
nc
na
pe
in
to
en
am
cr
Sa
in
e
at
St
e
th
of
l
capita
_.°
_——
We have suffered, and we are
Weare suffering.
4.
RECHO AJENO ES LA BAZ."
cso
as
s
er
rk
Wo
rm
Fa
e
th
of
on
ti
ra
PLAN for the libe
r
me
:
e
em
en
en
ote a
.
n
s
e
s
m
e
r
p
p
o
n
to
a
m
u
h
r
o
n
t
s
u
r
j
e
h
t
It is nei
ne
a“
e
o
ae
i
f
°
E
g
ni
at
th
a
Me
SS
er
rk
wo
rm
fa
e
th
en
wh
ne
go
e
s
ar
ar
ye
e
th
at
th
y
Sa
~
rm
n
fa
ca
xi
Me
all
n
to
ow
kn
ll
vels through a valley we
a
ae
sc
pe
.
.
oe
P
n
ca
)
ee
:
e
ee
5
93
43
om
Fr
f.
el
ms
hi
lp
he
to
ng
ti
no
d
di
d
g
an
in
th
no
id
sa
Pe
,
|
no
la
De
of
s
wn
to
e
We know all of thes
workers.
|
ce
pa
tS
ae
a
nt
na
on
ee
ep
:
”
oe
_
i
s
ei
:
rde
un
l
al
sh
o
s
wh
er
ad
le
ng
ri
sp
l
al
sh
nt
me
ve
mo
is
th
,
_.
e
to
en
Madera, Fresno, Modesto, Stockton and Sacram
|
d
aa
a
:
y
o
s
pe
:
es
ae
e
ca
oT
d
S
e
l
al
sh
d
we
an
,
ul
us
hf
to
it
fa
be
,
us
ad
le
,
d
gtan us
_,
because along this very same road, in this very
9
d
e
a
i
ir
oo
s
e
r
a
La
e
a
aa
e
v
|
D.
AR
HE
BE
L
AL
SH
WE
s,
tu
en
es
pr
re
to
em
th
t
ec
el
SiN
t
el
ts
has epee ys
gee: —
eos gl 98
a
Our sweat and our
years,
hundred
the last
or
have fallen on this land to make other men rich.
bloo
ve
ha
we
g
in
er
ff
su
e
th
to
s
es
tn
wi
This Pilgrimage isa
eon
pe
seen for generations,
The Penance
ie
,
a
we accept symbolizes the suffering we
me
sa
e
es
th
to
e
ic
st
ju
g
in
br
to
r
de
shall have in or
ke
ge
ma
ma
we
ri
lg
Pi
e
.
Th
ey
ll
va
me
sa
is
th
to
s,
wn
to
d
le
el
av
tr
ve
ha
we
ad
ro
al
ic
or
st
hi
ng
lo
e
th
symbolizes
a
~~
3,
seek,
We
me ——
and have, the support of the Church in — “
ren
y
rr
ca
we
ge
ma
ri
lg
Pi
e
th
of
al
he
what we do. At the
1°
gop
g
Ae ok efe
of _
our
oe_
erimage
Oo
Fo: ret
.
e
h
T
s.
l
er
rk
l
wo
a
em
th
f
on
o
ti
ca
so
ag
al
on
au
'n
“
s
i
e
sh
e
us
ca
be
E
P
U
L
A
D
U
G
LA
| LAVIRGEN DE
©
sours,
all
ours,
Patronéss of the Mexican
|
people.
e
Da
.
e
Se
e
th
d
an
s
os
Cr
él
cr
Sa
e
th
y
rr
ca
We also
=
we
e
us
ca
be
d
an
s,
an
ri
ta
ec
t
no
vid becauSe ve are
.
_—_—aSk the help and praye!s of all religions. All men
we
y
wh
is
at
th
d;
Go
me
sa
tie
of
ns
so
are brothers,
'
_.
ik
ve
ne
we
an
ro
ng
lo
e
Wi
np
e
e
en
|
—
to travel, with much penance, inorder to bring about
the Revolution we need, and for which we present the
e
ee
tadstermarees in the following PLAN:
ap
?
:
pe
Po
of
s
rd
wo
e
th
in
l,
wil
od
go
of
n
me
all
to
say
lirst duty.is to protect the
Leo Xiil, "Everyone's
:
n
ma
hu
e
us
o
s
wh
or
at
ul
ec
f
sp
do
ee
gr
e
th
om
s
fr
er
rk
wo
-. beings as instruments ti providethemselves with
pag
want oe gn mei
ors ee
:
_
_
ue
n=
co
bh
Wa.
S
a
e
gn
si
ae
us
oe.
a tet
o ranchers or contractors, contracts
ry aay
7
fared
A Moa
- a pees s
7
cheno
were
.
_
t.
ec
ll
co
an
ak
d
an
n
in
tt
ae
‘c
t
de
nt
co
ve
y
wh
is
at
- Th
* ively. We must use the only strength that we have,
__ the force of our numbers. The ranchers are few; we
_
are ee _UEETES WE SHALL STAND.
vontinued on Next Page)
-
PLAN OF DELANO
p
mtieued
6.
We
‘we
have
from
Previous
shall Strike.
proposed.
Pave)
|
|
|
oe
We shall pursue the REVOLUTION
We
are
sons of the Mexican
Rev-’
Olution, a revolution of.the poor seeking bread and
justice. Our revolution will not be armed, but we want
the existing social order to dissolve; we want a new
|
_
Social order. We are poor, we are humble, and our only choice’ is to Strike in those ranches where we
are not treated with the respect we deserve as working
men, where our rights as free and sovereign men are
not recognized. We do not want the paternalism of
the rancher; we do not want the contractor; we do not
want charity at the price of our dignity. We want to
be equal with all the working men in the nation; we
want a just wage, better working conditions, a decent
To those who oppose us, be’
future for our children.
they ranchers, police, politicians, or speculators,
_we say that we are going to continue fighting until 7
WE SHALL OVERCOME,
we die, or we win.
. Across the San Rs cimuin Valley,
across
the entire Southwest
across QGalifornia,
United States,
of the
wherever there are Mexican people, wherever there dag
are farm workers, our movement is spreading like
flames across a dry plain. Our PILGRIMAGE is. the
MATCH that will light our cause for all farm workers
to see what is happening here, ‘so that they may do |
The time has come e for the Libera:
as we have done,
os
tion of the poor farm WOPRE?. oi);
History is on our side.
ih
MAY THE STRIKE GO ON! VIVA LA CAUSA! (NAME
Sees
one
Gi:
et
ee DDRESS 4
'
“a4
mi atl sea
alae i
isn enabe
rnd
SBI
stra
netmaeiaaciaaahtnsssitiite
lalate
end
2p teen
(AdOOd!
a
cnt
ete
nanny
ee
ty mt Mt
| AdOO
pee
eo
ers
(Ougx|
OudXx
“ie, Whim
is Zin oe?
i ge OOF
THE= | WASI HWINGTON
eat
ceo se
Na Nt
ete A
A
A cm NO SS
At
POST
tS NL
Ne
I
tek et a tt tb
M gages April Ii,
anertt ier ere
acre
sce
R
”
ena
et
366
3
x
eet
|
sign saying, “No Brown,
no vole” signified a Rrowing
esate
artnet
A
gl epee
moye
among Mexican-Amertheir ctstiand
ileaders
ean
mated 2 million fellawers to
Battie,
ihe
i
a os
ROWS
Pr
L what
told
sirikers
j j Recognition
a
de nin 322a:
eos aes
hati arenay s aqleamant ashe \ome's
AAAS nied Nid < onrd Unw Sew 'eite San Alswn Save nedthe ly ube Sabuibn inane hee cpegech mor wht beee Las \ipes eceahcars Civmiaras Skene
ge
.
Pr nAey
a touch
S
Oe
an wa faces
a third term
J
aoe
tate
withhold them support fromi
the Governor, who is seeking 4
as a union, as:
with Schenles vi be tar hows ang
4 5 and
other
working
conmdiVIS} ere higher yar.
venereal
wages
are
from
about
$1.10
jand
i
10
to
$1.25
cents
lovapes
fer
mow;
an
@
bax
Chavez
|
ww
warts
per
“
i Pilgrimage Supports
(€).8.
Farm
i
'
i For
j week,
3
|
|
‘
.
:
eg
.
;
as
soma
:
GRAPES OF WRATR—The Rev. dames
ii, Vizuard addresses a small group in Far.
|
F
tris
3
oe
Dag“
!i.
|
g
e
BF
a8 |
|
Mm, aS
3
ie
:
Core e
ent
|
|
:
Hay,
Steff
heir
Photogracher
¥3
YY
:
the
But
sa
p
is
’
a
i demand
Pit
at
a
or
an
.
absent
AeA
ae
oo
Pie
Pog
Gov.iSchenley
-
el
es
pickers
grape
;
ee
eS
ate
industries
x8
7.8
i
‘
4
headicverriding
io wa
e
eae
their windup
with
demand
as oe
Tan
a
march
a
eanlicl
a ircighae
at
—
day
day
2
beneath
e
“uion N.
tohed tala: { a. UO
m arene
gia
.
Easter Sun] be But Cesar
en yay
i
golden
the. goien
demelthe
demelthe
‘of the eapite),
{ Newamen estimated
hs Si
.
steps
60¥
‘About;
most
‘had
grape
poe
*
the
building.inounced
s
ting
' the
“and
unlen
towns
:
walkout
(by the
5
today,
¥
he
an.)
hee
boycott
of
Di
S&W
‘
|ithe
|
:
ta
te on Rhee ae
ih
a
Ye
4
ie
}
of
|
j
acy
at
ae
During
2age ater,
|
near!)
BO as
Eas
by!
Te
whage
Catholic
aD iets
bis
OnO 4
a
The
%
Ag,
Universiny.
Pinte
or
|
ty
sermon, Hather|
ISalandini recalled bis 1 years:
ig
in souwth-|
vs
: jern California ade said:
eee “|
tay i
ery
yc
¥
}
being paid in
membered men
bcent be ait dolkare for an: em
an €D
ee
Se a
:
picker
orange
las an
week's
lire
|
Before
work.
leaving
a YPR Fay)
“iSquare,
the
group
hea
rd
a
eer rh
ett
2
italic by the Rev. James L. Vise
}
i
|
y
12 arg.
ene
W ashing ton
i
ee
i the
:
| i
!
gs ee
|
a
gen a
*'
the
“ine ae
-
+
age 1 Sate
gO
of
;
ae
farms
os A DOI
Si,
aoe
ry
ays
m
with "emg i vo
pers Gus . oO he passed
Congress this year.
SR
1 ¢
rei
iegisiac aon
cone Ahaaly
igain
: A
ate See eae
‘
ees ath CER
*
an ed
pe ae poke
that
ve
‘
‘ 6 aa
‘ecognize
fae a
os
Py
ttecting
:
Ot |
;
Rural,
ae
oe oe
%
rigbis
ladding
2
A
ae
*
{
dires
s
Gonterenne C
National
ee nines lak ia}
fe. = aes
r
yt
:
Cathote
Nationsi
in
;
e
VaR
r
} ee bee
5
ew anant Nn
ode
oa
sand
.
3
grape)
in Delano, Call,
c
ipmmmmies
a
:
rik
being:
2
a group of
ig @ aoctoral eee
Li
the!
the’
ee ALES:
hed
California,
lithe Rey. Victor Salandini, wholk
ee 1s
Easter
ope .
to
menth-leng 206on
Saeraments.!
At the Sylvan Theater,
&xh
tay
4§
Sent. . 9:
began
time they filed:
a a ae Aig nnn
eo)
reply
otiial
pil
rato mee
Sa ao
Monument, a speolal
fer Mass was celebrated
Foods}
Fine
:
since:
recagaition
han ann em ye tanh ht Keepy to ae hy ot ep
Seen
Ly}Y pace no.
abl ston
on
by
ranchers
the beginning of a!
on the hike 25:
embarked
¢ tended
contenfed
capitol
al-|Nationwide
workers,
Workers had been demand: |
|
’
Mexican-Americans,Giorgio’s
all
ape
SAAS
ARO
i days
14
of the
NFWA
NEWA
ec
e would be
8500 lowed te vo ie Reon the steps)"
4
{
| persc ons gathered at the breadiof
lwest
Chavez,
of
a
‘than
une
eee
at
A ickers on strike against fruity
:
te
offer
Brown's
ee rejeeted
Ai
ha
|
39 o
imeet
Mor
ay
i
sacra mMmnenin,
of fan
‘aids
a.
Bene
2
|
1A
aie.
Sal
STOW
Wwoulc
:
head
o
t
met
for
bbs;
-,
ay
letaged
felout ofSU BMIn
EES
phat
Stree
sgled
a
greed
to
hold
ah
election
to
|
g,
ting
in
Palm
Springs,
Chavez!
Delano on March 17.) see if its current woorkers want!:.,
4
os ta Afton bey |
ney Ta
iGr be Patri
ee X
i
;
+
ia
YG
ae
end
'
sath,
persons
. Saquere
2
BA
au
lcaniial
stens
ctl ant
‘sympathizers planted thei rit Honal Farm
6
ASLACEY
P
i
ee
Sa
.
to-iti
stens
oapitel
he
flag on the
i: thigs
capltel Steps to OR.
|
The Democratic Chief Exac-}
area’s- largeStingiea stuek by és clan te ete!
The Dene
pay; climaxing a 8007nile|
atai
r daa
Corp.,!
Di Giergis
Valley.jemployer,
imareh up the Central
ce oe 7 m
.
Bi
ae :
o 4
>
:
as
tare
‘a
rau
panel
Lay, 4 ¥
aC
‘
| Farragut
jC
'
the |
180
pa athy for a
imiie
march
didn’t!
becom
4
ies
Independent Wa-| Meeting
the
1a%
.
.
Works . Assoc: Be day
the
and union,
peas
ica
‘
to bargain
Brown, thousands of agreed
| dmmund
[striking
*
sb
workers
Aboul
| grimage
jGrounds,
4:
i
fiags
at
Cap
ito
#
me
=
‘April 16 (AP}—Shouting theirithe Sacramento River, the bigiachieve what had
i
cL
|
on
aye
#
SPAMRINg |
bridge
the
2
ny
ian
ov
Calf, across
SACRAMENTO,
ee
J
$32 |
7
iP
&
Frank
(
ragut Square that met to show sympathy
whth the grape piekers’ strike in California,
:
|
By
eae Wales wars aes Ra Taipower ee hae See weg penka ge Sale Nene
‘condi fons among he. Nation’s|
1 cay
v
YE
}
ryy42) LEMS
‘agricultural workers,
5
|
the second time in a
& grow ge * ered near
he White House ¥ sae fe? to;
feall
attention
an
ronomic
4
$
Parkers
ccna tes esa caow tors
|
|
ae
a
a
|
‘
s
of
”
($1.46 an hour and 25 cents
ceed
i
hour
stiiahbivancias
ia
by iu
4
iene
i®
“4
von every
mer
meet a
OP
me
YN
ae
SE
EI
LaED DN et
ame SARE
eae
sem see es wt ‘er nee ee
Pa ne
WI
ne
WT et SE
eee
A
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Inutezc-Office Communication
April 14, 1966
To
Reuther
P.
Walter
Nat Weinberg
From
Letter
Subject
Dear
re Delano
Grape
Strike
Walter:
for your
I think you will be interested in the gratitude
efforts in the attached letter.
I found the letter here upon my return from
It was written before the Schenley capitulation.
/ eo
Fraternally,
NW :pms
Attachment
cc:
Irv
Bluestone
oeiu42aflcio
expressed
California.
_ AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS
GEORGE MEANY
a
Pr esider vt
WM.
*. SCHNITZLER
Secretory-Treosurer
_ JON W. LIVINGSTON
Director
of
Organization
AGRICULTURAL WORKERS ORGANIZING COMMITTEE
te
NORMAN
Bk eA
SMITH,
Californie
Director
805 EAST WEBER AVENUE
STOCKTON 3, CALIFORNIA.
fy
:
HOword
E
1)
c
6-0384
ce»
V
|
E
!
March 25,5, '66
SPECIAL PROJECTS pepr
Mr..Nat Weinberg:
UAW, AFL-CIO
8000: E.. Jefferson.
Detroit
Dear
4
14, Michigan.
Brother,
We
know. that
the
UAW UNION has
helped
glad you. came with Sister Ann Draper's
you. for your. visite.
)
-
us. the
caravan,
most... We
and
we
were
thank
The progress of our Strike looks very encouraging.. The
- Senate Subcommittee Investigation which was pressured by Mr.
Walter Reuther had. a: great effect om the whole country but pase
passing a bill in. Congress. would really take time... We are committed to do our duty here but the successful performance of
ns’
Unio
the
of
ort
supp
d.
inue
cont
our. job: also depends. upon. the
like yours. Mr.. Reuther promised us. a monthly assistance, and
. we hope the other unions. would do the
E
same,.. Thank: you: again.
to the State Dept. of Industrial Relations. Among these, 91,000 were
farm owners and their families, 92,000 were hired annual workers, and
119,000 were hired seasonal work)
ers.
On the national seene, farm employment is 3,780,000, according to
the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
In winning the Schenley and
Christian Brothers recognition and
eliciting DiGiorgio’s voluntary tender
Protest march of grape pickers lasted 25 days, wound through California
vineyards to Sacramento. Attention it got led up to triple breakthrough for union.
“ ~,
Farm union reaps first
California victory
Its recognition in Schenley and Christian Brothers vineyards
and election offer by DiGiorgio Corp. give organized
labor an entry on farms—though so far it’s only a toehold
California’s $3.5-billion agriculture
industry watched with stunned apprehension this week as organized
labor prepared to harvest the first
fruit of its long but heretofore unsuccessful drive to bring trade unionism to the farm.
Not since Congress in 1935 specifically excluded agricultural workers from the protection of the Wagner Act had labor tasted the kind
of triumph that burst upon the California scene last week in two stages:
(1) In Los Angeles, Schenley Industries, Inc., which owns the Roma
and Cresta Blanca wineries, yielded
to boycott pressure and agreed to
recognize the unaffiliated National
Farm Workers Assn. (NFWA) as
sole collective bargaining agent for
450 vineyard employees.
(2) In San Francisco, DiGiorgio
Corp., a giant among corporate
farmers, proposed state-supervised
elections to determine which, if any,
union would represent its 1,163 em. farms.
ployees on four California
President Robert DiGiorgio backed
158
LABOR
up the proposal with a pledge to
bargain in good faith with any union
that polls a majority.
The Christian Brothers of California kept the pot fermenting this
week by volunteering, in the inter. for our
est of “social justice
California agricultural workers,’ to
NFWA _ as _bargaining
recognize
agent. Brother U. Gregory, president
of Mont La Salle Vineyards, also
revealed that the religious order had
to other vintners last
proposed
February “that an employer group
be formed to bring collective bargaining to vineyard workers,” but
said the proposal was_ rejected.
Christian Brothers employs 25 in its
two vineyards.
Bigger than it looks. The low employment figures listed for the three
groups cast a deceptive light on the
possible impact of these developments. At the peak season the companies employ many more workers.
on Caliemployment
Average
last year, for all
fornia farms
seasons, ran to 305,110, according
of the
olive
branch,
rural
town
after
has
labor
barely dipped a toe into this vast
manpower pool. And the NFWA, a
grass-roots outfit composed mainly
of Mexican-Americans, could still
fall flat, as its predecessors have in
the past 20 years.
But, to labor, the Schenley and DiGiorgio developments came as an
encouraging break in farm organizing. William L. Kircher, AFL-CIO
organizing director, was in Calithe
arrange
and helped
fornia
Schenley deal, supporting the independent NFWA. An aide in Washington said: “Our guys are going to
move in behind the break. This may
give us the impetus to crack open
the whole farm worker field. But
we're still going to have to fight like
hell to do it.”
Colorful march. The Schenley and
DiGiorgio developments occurred
last week as a scant handful of the
a
borrowing
Mexican-Americans,
page from the notebook of civil
rights demonstrators, trudged dusty
back roads of the San Joaquin Valley
in the final stages of a 25-day march
on the state capital in Sacramento.
In
rural
town,
sympathizers fell in behind the
colorful banners of the marchers to
walk with them for a few miles and
to offer them the hospitality of their
homes. It was an orderly, wellorganized pilgrimage to the seat of
government, appealing for help in a
struggle for recognition and higher
wages. Instead of the prevailing
$1.20-an-hour for picking grapes,
wants $1.40 plus an incentive
NFWA
rate of 25¢ a box.
Wide
tempts
laborers,
backing.
to
arouse
Unlike
earlier
California
this one has
at-
farm
succeeded
in
avoiding accusations of Communist
infiltration.
Clergymen of many religious persuasions have bestowed a_ benign
smile on the little union’s efforts to
prosecute a strike against some 30
vineyards in Kern and Tulare Counties at the southern tip of the valley.
California’s eight Roman Catholic
bishops collaborated last month in
a formal appeal to a Senate subcommittee probing the farm labor
problem. They asked for amendment
of the federal labor code to extend
BUSINESS WEEK April 16, 1966
‘OWb all OXITo
to farmers and their employees all
the rights accorded workers in other
industries.
Responsible in no small part for
this tactical advantage is a dynamic
39-year-old former migrant farm
worker with the colorful name _ of
Cesar Estrada Chavez, who pulled
the NFWA together in 1962 as a
social service organization. Chavez,
according to his biographer, gives
his members not only a trade union
but also an insurance plan, a credit
union, and a retail co-op. With Latin
fervor they idolize their “Cesar.”
Chavez has survived the scrutiny
of the clergy as well, and priests
from the East who have visited California to inspect this phenomenon
of the soil have been quoted in the
Catholic press in laudatory phrases
rarely accorded a layman.
Line-up. The NFWA is not the
only union in the field. In 1959 AFL-
CIO set up the Agricultural Workers
Organizing Committee (AWOC) in
Stockton,
Calif.,
but
gave
it little
financial muscle. How it survived
against grower antipathy, worker
resistance, and AFL-CIO
ness is a mystery.
How can you make an extra $315,000
a year'in the furniture hardware business? Or $310,100 making steel forgings and castings? Or $165,100 if you
make sanitary tissue products?
How? Come to Kentucky.
And now we can prove it, no matter
what you make, Almost.
Ask to see the latest Fantus Survey
of Kentucky’s dollars-and-cents advantages for your industry. There's
never been anything like it before.
Absolutely.
Call or writes FRANKFORT, KENTUCKY—Edward
T. Breathitt, Governor, or Katherine Peden,
Commissioner, Department of Commerce. Zip
Code 40601. Phone 502 223-2481.
liam C, James, Jr., Manager,
K
Wil
NEW YO—R
Kentucky
Dept.
Plaza, Room
CHICAGO —E,
of
Commerce,
45
Rockefeller
3563. 10020. Phone 212 581-9459.
Leo
Koester,
Kentucky
Depart-
ment of Commerce, 20 N. Wacker Drive, Civic
Opera Bldg. 60606. Phone 312 236-8773.
— Philip Stukin, Mgr., Kentucky
LOS ANGELES
615
Department of Commerce,
Street, Suite 500. 90017. Phone
Flower
South
213 624-8665.
COME To KENTUCKY
iTS a PROFITABLE Move!
160
LABOR
lukewarm-
Still a third union has hoisted its
banner—the Tulare-Kern Counties
Independent Farm Workers Union
(IFWU). DiGiorgio Corp. addressed
its election proposal to all three. By
midweek it had received responses
from none, although Chavez fulthat the
to the press
minated
proposal was hemmed in by “unaca
and
preconditions’
ceptable
spokesman branded the IFWU a
“company union.”
Chavez launched his strike of
grape pickers last September in sympathy with an AWOC walkout of
farm workers in the Delano area of
Kern County. Although the harvest
and pruning seasons are long past,
the strike—“huelga” in the mother
tongue—is still in force. The march
to Sacramento was intended to dramatize the fact and bring public and
governmental pressure on the growers to yield recognition.
Climax. On the steps of the Capitol last Sunday afternoon, Chavez
lifted his face to the light sprinkle
of rain that greeted his triumphal
completion of the 300-mile “peregrinacion” and beamed at the roar
of “Viva Cesar” and “Viva huelga”
that rose from an emotional throng
of several thousand gathered on the
steps. Around him were the 30 or so
who had made the full trek.
There was no question about the
militancy of this Easter audience,
but also no way of judging how
many were farm laborers and how
many were sympathizers from other
unions in Northern California.
Chavez proclaimed the end of the
boycott against Schenley (which —
then set up the beer and tequila for
the fiesta that followed a religious
Catholic
a _ local
at
ceremony
Church). But he hurled defiance at
DiGiorgio with a call for boycott
of the company’s S&W and TreeSweet food products. (DiGiorgio’s
wines are sold by the tank car to
private label bottlers.)
Shortfall. Two unrelated events
conspired to deny Chavez the full
measure of his triumph, but he gave
no sign that it was less than total.
One was. DiGiorgio’s conciliatory
proposal, which let some steam out
of the dramatic march three days before its climactic arrival in the capital. In effect, DiGiorgio offered more
than the union asked for—provided
the union could win a bargaining
agency election.
The other event cast doubt on Chavez’ tactical flexibility. He had demanded that Governor Edmund G.
Brown be on hand to hear the marchers’ grievances when they arrived in
Sacramento. Brown, though he is
running for reelection and is publicly
on record in support of the grape
pickers, refused to give up an earlier
commitment to spend Easter with
his family in Palm Springs 350 miles
away. The governor offered to meet
the marchers on Saturday, when
they were camped across the Sacramento River 10 miles from the capital, or on the following Monday.
Chavez’ insistence on a Sunday
confrontation won the admiration of
his followers—their chant of “We
want Brown” reverberated against
the portico of the empty Capitol—
but it gained little yardage with
others. Even Brown’s political foes
resented the issuance of an ultimatum to the friendly governor of the
biggest state.
Questions. Whether Chavez is the
man of destiny his given name suggests remains to be seen. Schenley’s
capitulation to him instead of to
AWOC, but in the presence of AFLCIO officials and a special representative of Teamster President James
Hoffa, was unexplained. It gave rise
to rumors that Chavez plans an alliance with AFL-CIO.
Although not now affiliated with
AFL-CIO, his union has one powerful friend, Walter Reuther, in the
federation’s hierarchy. Reuther visited the vineyard pickets in Delano
last December and pledged $5,000
a month of United Auto Workers
funds to the cause. Should Chavez
succeed on a grand scale, he and
his members would be welcome allies for Reuther in the rivalry of his
Industrial Union Dept. with the craft
unionists of the AFL-CIO. End
BUSINESS WEEK April 16, 1966
ASHINGTON
REPORT
printed every Friday in Washington, D. C.
by UAW Citizenship-Legislative Department
Vol.
VI, No. 19
<7
May 16, 1966
“T suggest, Sheriff, that you read the U. S.
Constitution before you arrest any more
strikers.”
Sen. Robert Kennedy
Sen.
Robert
Kennedy
made
a dramatic appeal for justice among
farm workers during recent hearing in California.
Quotation
above
aimed at
law
officers
who side with growers
did much to calm an explosive economic
situation.
nee
annual—virtually invisible—battle over
California water monopoly is now under way
on Capitol Hill. There are no headlines. No TV
cameras. No exposés by the columnists. But at
stake are huge supplies of federally-subsidized
irrigation water, vast tracts of the country’s
most fertile soil and control of our most populous state.
The budget item is a mere $12 million to
continue construction of a $157 million underground pipeline on the San Luis project (San
Joaquin Valley of central California). This system will deliver subsidized irrigation water to a
modern feudal barony—the most tightly held
block of rich farmland in America.
(Continued
on
page
2)
Should taxpayers
subsidize rich
anti-labor growers?
ET,
«Be
a
American taxpayers are paying through the nose for cheap
water supplied by the federal government. While many family
farmers are helped by this, today huge rich land barons in California not only pocket big profits, they also keep farm workers
on strike, refusing to bargain the American way for wages, hours,
and working conditions.
o
(Continued
from
page
1)
The issue is simple: the federal Bureau of Reclamation proposes to continue the project without adequate
assurances—in the form of written contracts—that the
land barons will abide by federal law against water
monopoly or even without any consistent indications
that Bureau officials will conscientiously try to enforce
this law. AFL-CIO and others object.
The 450,000-acre Westlands Water District, which
will be laced with the pipeline, is held, administered and
throttled by the large landowners. In parts of Westlands
the eye finds only cultivated fields from horizon to horizon—with an occasional break for a farm labor camp
or a machinery shed. The biggest of the land barons with
120,000 acres is Southern Pacific Railroad, which got
its land as a federal grant some 90 years ago.
The Giffen family through corporations and _ leases
controls
acres
100,000
a
and
director’s
seat
on
the
Pacific Gas & Electric, the world’s largest privately
owned utility. Anderson-Clayton, the largest cotton marketing firm in the world, operates 52,000 acres in Westlands as well as Brazilian coffee plantations and Peruvian
ranches.
Producers Cotton Oil owns over 10,000 acres in Westlands in addition to some 90,000 acres in other parts
of the San Joaquin
Valley.
J. G.
acres plus some 70,000 outside
others own 10,000 acre tracts.
The
federal
subsidy
Boswell
has
of Westlands.
on Westlands
water
30,000
Several
is estimated
to
be over $1,000 an acre. That means if the land barons evade
federal regulations, SP will pocket $120 million (120,000 x
$1,000); Anderson-Clayton, $52 million.
On top of the subsidy will be added the increase in land
values. Property in Westlands is worth about $100 an acre
with no water. With pump water it brings about $350. With
federally subsidized pipeline water the market value will
soar
to $1,000
an
acre.
For
SP
that’s
another
windfall
of
at least $72 million (120,000 X $600).
The law to prevent water monopoly and assure widespread distribution of federal irrigation subsidies is the 160
acre limitation (320 acres for man and wife). Under this
law, a landowner may receive federally subsidized irrigation water for endless acres if he agrees by contract that
at the end of a 10 year period he will make his excess (that
over 160 or 320) available for sale at a price which does
not take into consideration the availability of the water.
If strictly observed this law prevents both water monopoly
and land speculation.
The land barons’ control of Westlands is assured by an
obscure and curious section of California water law
which provides that in water districts property, not
people, vote.
In Westlands, each owner has one vote for every
dollar’s worth of property he owns. The Southern Pacific land agent comes in from San Francisco to cast
over 25 per cent of the vote all by himself.
It is not surprising that under these conditions the
Westlands directors are all windshield farmers, not dirt
farmers. A Giffen is president of the board. The SP land
agent owns one of the seats.
AFL-CIO,
eC
ae
eee
iiberal farm
and
church
leaders
contend
that
these compliance contracts should be required from the
land barons before construction on the pipeline continues.
They have urged that the House and Senate appropriations
subcommittees insert a rider on this year’s $12 million request requiring such pacts before the money is released.
They argue that if construction continues without excess
land contracts, the land barons will wiggle out of compliance aided and abetted by the Bureau of Reclamation.
The pattern of present control in Westlands plus the past
activities of both the Bureau and the large landowners support this argument.
Among the past activities are:
(1) One short 12-mile lateral of the Westlands pipeline
is completed and has been in operation for two years. Last
fall, Bureau of Reclamation officials found federally subsidized water being delivered to 920 acres of ineligible
excess lands owned by four large operators. According to
Assistant Regional Director Ed Sullivan of the Bureau’s
Sacramento,
California,
office,
the
investigation
made
was
EE
A study by Fresno State College sociologists revealed that small farmers in
the San Joaquin Valley (California) pay
higher wages than the land barons in
Westlands less than 100 miles away.
only
after
a citizen complained.
that the Bureau
This
is lax in administering
incident
the law
reveals
and
first
second
that large landowners are disposed to get away with what
ever they can. As a result of the citizen complaint a few
more excess land contracts have been signed; some in odd
40 and 80 acre checkerboards which will make later sales
improbable.
This incident also raises some questions. Are concerned
citizens to charge themselves with policing federal water
law in Westlands? Wouldn’t it be surer and more logical for
Congress to insist—as the AFL-CIO has urged—the large
landowners sign contracts now?
(2) In a curious reversal of .past policy the Bureau of
Reclamation is allowing big landowners to buy additional
GIANT IRRIGATION SYSTEM gets special
privilege from taxpayers. Farm workers
are denied right to bargain, while rich
farmers wink at law requiring units of less
than 160 acres.
DUST
BOWL
PHOTOGRAPHY
all
of
conscience
awakened
America
in early
New
Deal
days.
This
classic
photo
by
Arthur
Rothstein,
menter,
has
now
Look
editor, was done by Farm Security
Administration
documentary team under direction
of Roy Stryker. George Ballis,
a modern
day
photo
docuwritten
about
to-
day’s struggle of farm workers
and
recorded
these gripping
events with his talented camera eye.
property which may later—we are assured—be placed under
the excess
land
law
contracts.
Acquisitions under
two years include:
Giffens
Anderson-Clayton
William Deal
Frank Coit
this
new
regulation
size of operation
100,000
52,000
10,000
10,000
acres
during
the
past
acquisition
4,000
1,000
1,700
500
acres
If a big operator expected to divest himself of his holdings would he buy more land? If the Bureau expected to
enforce the law, would it approve, contrary to previous
interpretations of the law, bigger and bigger holdings?
(3) SP has publicly stated an unabated unwillingness to
comply with the 160 acre limitation. Its lands are checker-
boarded in one mile square pieces throughout the Westlands. This fact plus the water conditions in the area, make
it financially and physically impossible to irrigate without
participation of SP.
(4) Several of the San Luis owners have been involved
earlier evasions of the limitation on the Pine Flat project.
in
(5) Bureau of Reclamation over the past several years
has displayed a continued laxity in enforcing excess land
provisions in Westlands and on other California projects.
There have been some instances of tightening up in administration but it has come only after exposure and protests by
citizens and organized labor.
These factors indicate that if the law is to be enforced,
if
we are to prevent a land barons’ takeover in California,
Congress must require the written contracts before any more
of the taxpayers’ money is invested in Westlands.
Even these contracts may not be enough according to the
Western
Water
and
Power
Users
Council,
an
organization
of small California farmers and other individuals. The council has asked for federal purchase and disposal of the excess
lands because experience has shown that the Bureau of
Reclamation is allowing the excess owners in another project around
Delano,
California,
to put up their property
for
sale at a price which would, contrary to the law, charge the
buyers for the federal water. In Delano the huge DiGiorgio
ranch, now being struck by grape workers, is technically
up for sale, but the price is so high that only one small
piece has been sold.
A study of Fresno State College sociologists revealed
that small farmers in the San Joaquin Valley (California)
pay higher wages than the land barons in Westlands less
than 100 miles away.
CALIFORNIA GRAPE STRIKE has support of
Industrial Union Department and AFL-CIO.
UAW President Walter Reuther with aides
is shown at scene of strike earlier this year.
LONG
BEACH,
CALIFORNIA
America’s biggest most baffling state bursts with billboards for hottest political contest in generation. Brassy
carefree wealth frolics beside sheer destitution. Gov. Pat
Brown whose plodding honesty shines through every setback, will likely face glamour-boy conservative, Ronald
Reagan, for third term Governorship. Lesser political spots
spark even hotter races. California’s State Supreme Court
in act of conscience declares lily-white real estate laws outlawed, and native son bigots are furious. . . . Peaceniks
threaten
to run nuisance
candidate
against Oakland’s
gentle Jerry Cohelan, whose moderate Vietnam views irk
pro-pullouters. . . . UAW’s GM department notes that
laidoff GM workers get 90 percent of pay—close to unions salary goal for industrial workers. Stock Market jitters over GM cutbacks show how much US economy depends on auto industry, but this year’s production will still
surpass last year’s record. ... UAW’s auto safety statement
excites car buyers to flood UAW offices with inspection
complaints. Tougher safety standards can easily be paid by
auto industry’s topheavy profits. UAW tells House Interstate Commerce Committee. Cars can be both stylish and
safe,
union
insists.
. . . Senators
Gore
and
Burdick
stand
out as only liberals to vote against participation sales bill
which sails through Congress while bread and butter bills
languish like minimum wage, federal unemployment insurance standards. Democrats roundly opposed private financing of public debt during Eisenhower years but White
House successfully cracked whip this time. Rules committee last week horse trades—sends out minimum wage and
debt financing bill in one clever stroke. $11.8 billion for
elementary and secondary schools during next four years,
that’s what congressional subcommittee okayed last week
for new schooling program. It’s $400 million more than
President Johnson asked and America’s children can use
every penny of it.
Agriculture Secretary Freeman
has thankless job of keeping nation’s embattled farmers
happy when farm prices are still far below parity, and
convincing irate housewives that rising food prices are
spotty and not permanent. Freeman rightly reports net
farm
income
up
$3.5
billion
since
Democrats
came
to
power, net income per farm up more than 50 percent.
Many farmers still growl prices could be better while
rest of country booms, resent middleman who grab processing profits. Wheat belt Democrats cheered as Johnson
agreed to planting 15 percent more acreage, giving wheat
farmers larger hunk of US cornucopia. . . . Vice President
Humphrey’s good liberal hand visible last week in rent
supplement squeaker won by handful of votes. Four Hum-
_ THIS WEEK
A report on California’s land barons who get cheap
_ water subsidized by the American taxpayer, a little un-
_ derstood issue now before Congress.
phrey proteges supplied winning margin, even though
it meant little political mileage in smalltown midwestern
communities. . . . Texas political returns are grab bag of
good and bad news. Gov. John Connally, who bitterly
chose Repeal of 14-B backed democratic slate dedicated
to axing President Johnson’s Program in Congress. LBJ’s
supporters in Texas often buck tide of President’s own
cronies—but time’s on side of Texas progressives. End of
Poll Tax and Reapportionment will soon doom
Connally brand of political backwardness. Will Michigan’s new
senator, Robert Griffin, join GOP moderates in Senate?
Griffin’s no political dummy, he knows there’s little mileage in trumpeting
extreme
conservatism
in_ industrial
Michigan. But will Michigan voters allow a new Griffin?
His lackluster House Record haunts him in upcoming
Senate race. . . . It’s finally happened. Arch reactionary
Farm Bureau comes out four squaredly against National
Council of Churches whose leaders work for Kingdom of
God on earth supporting living wage for farm workers.
Farm Bureau thinks holiness is strictly for church pews,
not the paycheck.
Plenty of injustices in today’s
draft laws put poor boys overseas to fight while luckier
kids with money stay in college. Thanks to Sen. Ralph
Yarborough poor boys now get college education under
cold war GI Bill of Rights only program with any oomph
passed by second session of 89th Congress. . . . Georgia’s
Congressman James Mackay carries torch for auto safety
in House of Representatives while limelight shines in
Senate. Mackay’s own Atlanta constituents include many.
auto workers who welcome chance to manufacture safe
cars instead of death traps. What saved medicare last
year?
It
was
64
out
of
71
new
freshmen
Democrats
who voted against Republican motion to recommit medicare, knocking out Social Security Financing. This vote
was 191 to 236 saved by those freshmen Barry Goldwater elected to Congress. If it hadn’t happened your
grandparents wouldn’t have medical bills paid by social
security. . . . Sam Zagoria, onetime aide to Sen. Clifford
Case of New Jersey is Republican, former Newspaper
Guild leader. Today he’s swing man on National Labor
Relations Board. Zagoria’s also Chamber Commerce target
for abuse because he regards workers as people with
rights to air grievances not cower to a boss. Automation,
thinks Zagoria presents new bargaining problems taxing
best minds of Labor and Management. We’ve got more
segregation housing today than ever before. That’s brute
fact staring Americans in face with Presidential request to
outlaw ghettos. Neighborhoods with truly mixed racial
groups show property values don’t collapse when Negroes
move in. Some whites move out. It’s blockbusting Real
Estate Agents who stir up panic who ruin good neighborhoods not Negro families seeking homes.
Page
AFL-CIO NEWS, WASHINGTON, D. C., APRIL 16, 1966
Eight
Some
‘Imbalances’
Reported:
BLS Survey Finds
No Labor Shortage
The Labor Dept. has found no overall shortage of labor in the
nation, although with employment growing by about 900,000 since
December, some imbalances are developing between labor supply
and demand.
The findings were announced in a Report on Manpower Shortages
and Reserves prepared by Commissioner Arthur M. Ross of the Bureau of Labor Statistics in accordance with Pres. Johnson’s order to
provide “the fullest possible information” each month on possible
manpower
shortages.
“Employers, it is evident, are
finding it increasingly difficult to
locate some types of workers,” said
the
report,
which
covered
March.
“Want-ad
columns
are growing
longer, unfilled vacancies are more
numerous,
and
widespread
com-
plaints are heard that applicants do
not have the proper qualifications
or experience.
“It does not follow, however,
that we are suffering from a general manpower shortage or an
exhaustion of manpower reserves.
The explanation is that there are
imbalances between manpower
supply and demand which are
capable of being remedied by
private and public efforts. The
untapped reserves of labor supply
are also considerable.”
At the time the report was made
public Sec. of Labor W. Willard
Wirtz also announced
that job
openings at local public employment offices throughout the coun-
try on Mar. 1 were at their highest
level since the end of World War
II—21 years ago. The total of
344,000 vacancies was 67,000 more
than a year earlier and climbed to
that level despite placements in
non-farm industries during February that set a new post-war high for|
the
month.
Indicators Analyzed
In addition to the rise in employ-
ment since December, Ross listed
among general indicators of the
manpower situation:
@ The decline in the unemployment rate from 4.8 percent in April
1965 to 3.8 percent in March, and
the drop in the number of the unemployed to 3 million in March,
about 1.4 million of them adult
men.
“Even
though
unemployment
among men is still close to a seasonal peak and can be expected to
drop sharply in the next two months
because of the pickup in seasonal
work, there still remains a considerably reservoir of workers available for employment expansion,”
Ross observed.
@ The modest increases over the
year in average hourly earnings and
the average workweek’ in manufacturing, although hours have risen
more sharply in a few industries
where the manpower situation is
“tight.”
|
@
Rising
quit rates
indicating that workers
ers had to raise wages in order to
compete for manpower.
Ross examined the manpower
situations in five labor market
areas ranging from Cincinnati,
O., classified as “rather tight,”
to Los Angeles, described as
“rather
New
Mexico
Unionist
Heads ORIT Organizing
Joe Bermudez,
a member
of the
field staff of the American Institute
for Free Labor Development and
formerly business manager of Laborers
Local
16, Albuquerque,
N.M., has been appointed assistant
secretary-general and organization
director of the Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers
LND
TTY
found
them
similarity in one respect.”
“Skilled workers, engineers
and
scientists are hard to find,” he said,
“while there are unused reserves of
less skilled, less experienced and
otherwise less attractive job candidates. The extent of the mismatch
varies from one community to another, but it is plain that the common problem is one of imbalance
rather than overall labor shortage.
“It is the task of private and public manpower policies to remedy.
these imbalances
ployment growth
orderly fashion.”
in order that em-
may
continue
in
More Applicants
Shortages are still of the “spot”
variety, rather than general in character, the report noted. Even with
unemployment down to 3.8 percent
in March, it added “there are three
job applicants at local employment
offices for every unfilled opening.”
In examining occupational shortages and surpluses, Ross found the
greatest need in the blue collar
category to be for mechanics and
repairmen, machinists,.welders and
flame
cutters,
patternmakers,
tool-
makers and die setters.
Also
reported
were
local
shortages of construction laborers, warehousemen, automotive
washers and greasers, and machine shop laborers, In service
occupations
the
most
acute
shortages were reported among
waiters
and
waitresses,
house-
maids,
nursemaids,
restaurant
cooks and other kitchen workers,
private housekeepers and porters.
Draftsmen,
trained
nurses,
electrical
social
workers,
mechanical
and
engineers,
laboratory
technicians and assistants, and
countants and auditors were
ported “in shortest supply.”
find alternate job opportunities.
@ The ability of manufacturers | to ship increasing orders without
undue delay, an indication that producers are keeping up with the
flow of new business.
Manpower shortages, the report
added, have not been a factor in
recent price increases except possibly in some of the lower-paid|
consumer services where employ-
and
“quite different” despite a “basic
in industry,
are able to
loose,”
acre-
a meeting in New York by Dir. Don Slaiman (standing) of the AFL-CIO Dept. of Civil Rights. Hearing him are, from left, Napoleon Johnson II, NLP director; Adolph Holmes, associate director of job
development and employment, and Mahlon Puryear, deputy director of the league.
Congress Returns from Recess
W,
e
l
f h
B
, Uu
[ k
(Continued from Page 1)
are expected to face budget-slashing attacks.
:
Congress racked up several solid
accomplishments in its first three
months—including final passage of
a permanent GI Bill of Rights, tax
adjustments, extension of the deadline for medicare registration, a
$13.1 billion appropriation for military and economic assistance in
Southeast Asia, U.S. membership
in the Asia Development Bank and
an overseas teachers bill.
A modest
pay and fringe benefit
bill for federal employes had clear
sailing in the House and appears
certain to win Senate approval. A
number
of
other
significant
bills
either have passed one house or
have been cleared by committees.
The session began with a major setback, however—the failure of the Senate to break the
Dirksen filibuster and reach a
vote on repeal of Taft-Hartley’s
And there apSection 14(b).
peared to be little hope for immediate home rule for the District of Columbia, with a limited
“half-loaf” measure apparently
the most that could emerge from
a House-Senate conference.
Qut in the Noonday Sun
O
W
:
k
or
e
SE
l
A new battle over civil rights
legislation is likely to be touched
off when the Administration submits its legislative proposals in the
near future. Also pending in the
House is a committee-approved bill
strengthening the equal employ-
ment
opportunity program.
The
minimum
wage
bill is ex-
pected to reach the House floor
during the last week in April. Described by the AFL-CIO
as “a
solid
step
forward,”
it would
ex-
tend coverage to 7 million additional workers including, for the
first time, a large group of farm
workers.
[ l
A
h
:
Ca
which passed the
mously.
It’s now
d
Senate
in the
unaniHouse
Commerce Committee.
The Senate Commerce Committee has been considering—but
has yet to act on—the “truth-inpackaging” bill of Sen. Philip
A. Hart (D-Mich.). A hopeful
sign was the listing of the bill by
Majority Leader Mike Mansfield
as one of the measures the Senate
will consider in the weeks ahead.
There has been no action in the
Judiciary Committee, however,
99-9T-P
Wage Floor Would Rise
The wage floor for nearly 30
million workers now covered by
the $1.25 minimum would rise to
$1.40 on Feb. 1, 1967, and to $1.60
an hour one year later. The minimum
for newly-covered workers
would start at $1 an hour and rise
at the rate of 15 cents a year.
cutoff for farm
workers
would
The
be
$1.30, for other workers $1.60.
_ The bill emerged from the House
Labor Committee with bipartisan
sponsorship and the Rules Committee is currently holding hearings.
The on-site picketing bill, a
major goal of the AFL-CIO and
Construction
&
Building
the
_ Trades Dept., already has a rule
as well as House committee ap-
proval.
Powell
But Chairman Adam C.
(D-N.Y.)
of: the
House
Labor Committee said he doesn’t
plan to call the bill up for floor
action until the House
acts on
both the minimum wage and
equal employment
opportunity
bills.
The legislation, recommended by
Truman,
since
President
every
would permit a union with a dispute
against a construction contractor or
subcontractor to picket a multiemployer construction site. Such
picketing is currently outlawed under court interpretations of the secondary boycott ban of the Taft:
Hartley Act.
Still in the committee stage is the
unemployment compensation standards bill, a major AFL-CIO goal
and a prime target of employer
&
Ways
House
organizations.
Means Committee Chairman Wil-
bur D. Mills (D-Ark.), who introduced the labor-backed Adminis-
tration bill, is working in closed
committee sessions to come up with
a measure commanding broad support.
Despite a special message from
Pres. Johnson, only one consumer
bill has moved
Q
tire
orading
out of committee—
and
lahelino
hill
on the “truth-in-lending” bill of
Sen. Paul H. Douglas (D-IL).
The Senate also has before it two
labor-supported bills which have
passed the House: a measure ex-
tending coal mine safety inspection
and
to other types of mining,
amendments to the Railway Labor
Act designed to clear up a backlog
of grievances and make monetary
awards binding on employers.
Congress has given little attention so far to two constitutional
proposed
Johnson
amendments
early this year: to abolish the Electoral College as an institution and
to extend the terms of House members from two to four years. Although some hearings have been
held, no action has been taken by
either the House or Senate Judiciary Committees.
The President has asked a new
approach in foreign aid, including
five-year authorization for separate
economic and military aid programs
—to “free Congress from the burden of an annual renewal of basic
legislation.” A two-year authorization is considered a possibility.
Also pending is a presidential request for a new Cabinet Dept. of
Transportation.
Congress will be under double
pressure in this election year—on
the one hand to wind up its work
as early as possible so that members will have more time to campaign, but also to compile a record
hich
t
an
oint
th
ide.
i
Communist
Wrath
In Delano
Gary Allen is a Los Angeles film writer,
ABOUT
THIS
journalist, and lecturer who has covered for AMERICAN OPINION such affairs
as the Watts insurrection and the pro-
ARTICLE
Vietcong protests at Berkeley. A grad-
These reprints of THE GRAPES: COMMUNIST WRATH
IN DELANO, by Gary Allen, will be sent postpaid to any address
in the United States, at the following prices:
In “quantities of © 1099°
2 1)...
5
In quantities of 100-999
. . ... ...
In quantities of 1,000 or more . . . . .
.
.
.
.
uate of Stanford,
ead
12¢ each
10¢ each
the scene in Delano,
either reprints or subscription address:
Massachusetts
where
AN IMPORTANT dramatic event is now
being staged for the American public,
a play with several acts taking place
simultaneously in many parts of the
country. While it is all part of the
same production, the accent of the players and even the title varies with the
locale. In the cities it is advertised as
“Civil Rights.” On the campus it is promoted under the title “Peace Demon-
02178
strations,” while in rural areas theater-
goers are treated to the “Fruitpickers’
Strike,” based on an old and successful
production titled “Agrarian Reform”
which has enjoyed a long run from the
banks of.the Volga to the foothills of
the Sierra Maestra.
:
While the play is performed in different geographic areas, the theme re-
_y
Belmont,
Caltfornia,
he has been conducting interviews and
investigating happenings there on assignment for AMERICAN OPINION.
address in the United States; twelve dollars to other countries. For
OPINION,
employed
in the preparation of film-strips on current affairs and 1s finishing a new book
on Communist revolution tn the streets.
Mr. Allen sends his report directly from
This article first appeared in the June, 1966, issue of AMERICAN
OPINION, an informal monthly review edited by Robert Welch.
The subscription rate to the magazine is ten dollars per year, to any
AMERICAN
he is now
mains the same. From Selma, to Watts,
pile4,
to Berkeley, to Delano may look like
a circuitous route on your road map,
but it is a straight line on the road to
revolution. If that is the road you are
traveling, you are now in Delano, California.
JUNE, 1966
Delano (pronounced Delayno), virtually unknown outside of California
until it was reluctantly shoved on the
stage by a highly publicized “grape
strike,” is an agricultural center of
twelve-thousand citizens lodged in the
center of the phenomenally fertile San
Joaquin Valley, which sticks like a
pointing finger up the middle of the
state. It was in the fall of 1965 that
the rest of the world found out about
Delano. That is, that’s when we were
told about it by the news media. Delano,
the world was informed, was the place
where five-thousand starving grape
strikers, craving dignity and a living
wage, had taken to the roads in protest.
Delano,
Americans
were
told,
was
a
sort of Selma-west, a cesspool of bigotry
and intolerance where opulent capitalist. growers revelled in the grinding
poverty of the field workers. But virtue,
the media boys said, was on the march
—and_ through strikes and boycotts the
oppressor was about to be pried from
the workex’s back.
Yet, strangely, the “Grapes of Wrath”
image so carefully constructed for Delano is as distorted and twisted as the
minds which created it. It is, in short,
a revolutionary fiction, a phony, a fake.
As such, the Delano “grape strike” has
to be one of the weirdest strikes on rec-
ord. It is not, you
see, over wages
or
hours or working conditions, at all. It
is a strike that is not really a strike.
How can a strike not be. a strike?
Very simple: When the workers are
still at work, but are being picketed by
outsiders who never worked there. This
year's grape crop, you see, is up nine
percent over last year’s and it has now
1
le
wilder the charge made against us,
the more publicity it gets. Nobody
seems concerned with whether it is
true or not. I finally got a Methodist
Minister to come out to my ranch
and look at my payroll time-sheets
and housing facilities for the pickers.
He couldn't believe it; it was so different from what the N.F.W.A.°
propagandists had told him about
pay and work conditions.
course, it is not true, but how will the
PROCLAMATION
The phony “strike” is ostensibly over
a demand by the “unions” to be recognized as bargaining agents for the workers (in spite of the fact that virtually
none ot thera has joined), and a
“union”
Brae
$1.40
an
Ss.
roll sheets of the various growers, which
e
A
A
se
5
j
5
j
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{
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for
demand
wage
10ur plus 25 cents per box of picked
The absurdity of this prandstand stant becomes obvious ta anyone
who wishes to check the audited pay-
he
As
A
EN RS
NO
DO NO SB
lt NOE
a
fantastic
IOON OED BEN OE
of this farce has arisen
NA
Out
that wages now vary from $1.80
a
to.
SS
ap
s
a
—
h
e
i
E
U
Ur
ni AO
2
—_
It
ei FARE
cern
pment
wbaagys
hour in soroe piece swork “sitvations,
Then what
doesn’t make
without
manding
on here? ‘This
is COLO
sense! We have a strike
warkers,
lower,
with
‘ouleidiers!
not higher,
have vast coverage
pay;
03 the ass
de-
we
media
pretending to take the matter seriously
and repeating slogans right out of a
revolutionary orCommunist
dozen
gains; we have the mass publication of
ARO
Communist
propaganda
in
APA
eR
Dolane.
RAR
5
j
j
5
5
|
falsehoods easily demonstrated as such
by even a cursory investigation of the
situation. Yes, something strange is happening at Delano. But, what?
AMER. ICAN
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Saas
Hise.
tt to R) Sai Gonzales, Cénscnuiniet Larry
ae
In order to understand what is really
at stake, one must first peer into the
cast of characters staging the play.
Performing in the lead role of this
farce-tragedy is a curious young man
named
Cesar
Chavez,
who
heads
the
N.F.W.A. Cesar, who suffered through
school for nine whole years, was recruited and hired in the early 1950's by
a staff member for Saul Alinsky’s Industrial Areas Foundation. Chavez
could have found no better training
ground for revolution. His mentor,
Alinsky, describes himself as a “professional radical” and is author of Revedlle
For Radicals and Rules For Revolution
(to be published this year). He runs a
prep school in grass-roots organizing
for revolution based upon picketlines,
a
boycotts, mass meetings, rent
demonstrations, and sit-ins.
z
up picketlines, and declared that the
people out in the fields picking grapes,
the same ones who for the most part
have been picking grapes there for
years, are strike-breakers and scabs. Of
r
Wk
ARCO
SA N
PAR E
SS Abo ROU
CAP EIENNEE
aries assembled a crew of outsiders, set
PNP
it was that the organizing revolution-
Bas Near
Workers wanted to work, not strike. So
people in the cities know?
ae 4
Sey ote
Fo
of
|{
ALA IT.
joined by N.F.W.A. — but the “strike”
leaders were generals without armies.
i
kar
ys
OLE LE LOO
later
Be
:
4
Be:
;
NEON
was
We're just not news. The sensationalism is all on the other side. The
OE SE NE
and
x
oN
i
s
RA AEN
a “strike,”
at
a,
ne
‘
neg
SE AS SA
called
%
“
LA
aah
AE RAN BAN
even
SUREe
i
i
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“unions,” the A.F.L-C.1.0.’s Agricultural Workers’ Organizing Committee
(A.W.O.C.), and the upstart National
Farm Workers’ Association (N.F.W.A.),
are trying to unionize the agricultural
workers in the Delano area. A.W.O.C.
Vis
HY
wi
i
a
ae
%
r
NO A
eA
A
two
oy
“i
:
aw
A AG
True,
gee 34
Ge As m
2
EA
revolutionaries.
3
pan eyceees
Put
eI
outside
bad
TNA
propaganda, virtually all slanted toward
the phony “strikers.” The representatives of the growers have made available
mountains of information and proofs—
including audits of payrolls showing
what the true wages are—but the mass
media have shown little interest. One
grower, Jack Pandol, explains it:
been harvested and marketed by the
men who have always done the job.
Contrary to what the mass media have
been telling the public, the workers
have not been on strike in Delano; the
workers are, in fact, being struck by
fue S
strikes.
Cesar Chavez spent six years in Chicago studying at the “Alinsky School
of Revolution” before his “teachers”
thought he was ready to return to California to found the N.F.W.A. The
N.F.W.A. was (surprise!) engaged in
JUNE, 1966
RAS
Chavex.
\via Walaa
Walter
ek SAV
AULA
Reuther
end
j
(
;
{
i
i
“A
GA
an
ices
Meat cuao
Sen Gi ines at Delano.
grass-roots organizing for the revolution when. the “competing” A.F.LC.1.0.s A.W.O.C. “struck” the grape
growers in the fall of 1965. Chavez's
“union” joined the “strike” a few days
later. Chavez, who has lect loublitixed
by the Communists as the charismatic
political leader of Mexican-Americans,
quickly stole the show from his more
established “competitor.”
Cesar’s “competitor” in unionizing
the field workers is Larry Itliong, who
runs the A.F.L.-C.1.O.’s A.W.O.C. 1
the area. Itliong, you will not be amazed
to learn, has also been involved in rev-
olutionary activity for some time, making his start in his native Philippines.
The Philippine immigration service, it
turns out, won’t permit Mr. Itliong to
return home because of his affiliation
with the Communist Party in Seattle
and San
Francisco, so he must
didate.”
He
with “union
be career in
Itliong ran
Delano this
suffice
organizing” and a wouldDelano as a politician. Larry
for the City Council in
year as “the People’s Canlost, but he
did
have
the
3
—
BO
cee te
i
,
——
=
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a
ys
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woh,
&?
aS
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WAAR]
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Rs
ee
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i
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oe
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a
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o
tae
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ee
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at
ay
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Cesar
Chavez
aaa
Man
with
of his
and
the
N.F.W.A.
Co-starring with Cesar is Luis Valdez, portraying the Che Guevara of
Chavez’s revolution. Valdez was trained
for his role two years ago by the Marx-
ist Progressive
Labor
Movement
and
sent to Cuba for advanced study in
Communist revolutionary methods.
Chavez’s
secretary
is
Donna
Haber,
who began her career by helping to
found the Communist W.E.B. DuBois
Clubs. Law enforcement authorities in
the Delano
area, however, believe that
the real star of the Chavez show is a
twenty-seven-year-old
Stanford
graduate named Wendy Gopel. Wendy has
been involved in Communist activity
‘since at least
1957, when
she attended
the Communist Helsinski Youth Festival; she has been busy building a
promising career ever since.A member
of the Communist DuBois Clubs, she
ghost-writes Cesar Chavez’s speeches.
WAS
ASMA
SAE
.
AAA
pipe
he
TN Ta
EVAL
Sara?
Saath a
oe
rE
a
is Communist
Sam
a
SEA
a
Kushner.
torney. The N.F.W.A. has one. He is
Alex Hoffman, on the faculty of the
University of California and active
in its Communist-dominated “Free
Speech” and “Peace” movements. Hoffman was one of the leaders of the proVietcong parade of October fifteenth in
Berkeley (See American Opinion, December, 1965). The California State
Senate’s 1965 Report on Un-American
Activities commented on the boldness
with which Mr. Hoffman plays his
part. Hoffman, the Report said, “has
made no effort to conceal his Marxist
convictions... .”
No play like this can get off the
ground, of course, without financial angels, and Chavez and the N.F.W.A.
have some powerful ones. For instance,
the other Caesar, the one in Washing-
ton,
has
N.F.W.A.
granted
$278,000
the
from
revolutionary
the
War
on
4
AMERICAN
OPINION
in Delano, visiting clergymen spend
their time with Cesar Chavez, who con-
tinues the propaganda
is just what he spent
with Alinsky learning
aganda is exceedingly
school, the “Univer-
uates of the same
sity of Alinsky,” which has a rather
narrow curriculum—offering classes only
barrage—which
those six years
to do. The propclever and easily
fools the naive. It should, for it is not
written by poor, uneducated grape pick-
enforcement author-
in revolution. Law
fe
gona he: gee
Orie
v
4
F
dé
’ =
:
py
Ss
¥
oe
“
i
:
7
th
yr
x
a,
a
ee
a
¢
ee
ai
Tae
a
a
at
AY
Oe
ke
ee
By
re,
3
\ ivees
4
Re.
aise
“
Rig
ef
a
Beet al
4
;
:
ua
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oi
2
eto
j
ee
Aah
A
Poverty Program, though the funds
have been delayed because some local
Victorians objected to tax money being
Lest such a production run afoul of
used to recruit “union” members and
the authorities, every play needs an at- ' to encourage revolution. Meanwhile,
swallow the propaganda line. And, once
ry
endorsement
+
SARA
OO BE:
rivals,”
meet:
A
PE GVA as
RN
“union
and
ei
MA
ot
P
meaning ministers, you see, can’t believe
that there are those in the world so
wicked as to promote lies, and thus they
ee tee
Mew er
full support
revolutionaries
EN
AS ARTS AS
The
y
St
he at
has
EN NR
:
3
NR
eh ta
Ts
+
.
Wakay,
Warts
Peas hotuerasrub srt veaereasuae event cept ereeEREeOUN te CaLTEMMMME ‘ LE UTEVTRE
ANTRAL CSc oa
rte
at
wy
NO EAN
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wi
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Way,
fore arriving there, visiting clergymen
have already made up their minds about
the situation in Delano. Many well-
A
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es
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SAN
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ve
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ey Me
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Hay Tet Gh
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participating in such productions. Such
has been the case in Delano. For many
years farm workers there have been
ministered to by what is known as the
Migrant Ministry, an adjunct of the
California Council of Churches. In the
past, the Migrant Ministry has worked
tirelessly, providing spiritual nourishment to the workers; but in recent years
new “ministers” have taken over. The
“new breed” has done away with “all
the foofra about religion” and is working on a real Job—“union” organizing.
The one thing that the members of
the current batch of Migrant Ministers
active in Delano have in common is
that they are all, coincidentally, grad-
i
ay
GO
Ly
“Ns
Years
¢
OTE ENTE
ve
i
BEE NE
‘
Sy
AO
A
%
A
‘
ES ON NEY AE
+
:
;
Sat
olution; in fact, a number seem to enjoy
wes
ee ae ee
|
i
at
.
y
|
been to Divinity School.
The California Council of Churches
and the “Liberal’-dominated Central
California Diocese of the Catholic
Church have also supported the phony
“strikers.” Since the “striker”-harassed
workers and their bosses are predominantly Catholic, a real schism has resulted. Growers complain that, even’ be-
NE A
ty
%¥ ie
i
Le
Ss
olutionary “ministers” have never even
A NO AE
A OE
{
Eo
REA
"Migrant
FONE,
1966
O
AR
Ministor’
a
‘
O
James
e
a
*
%
Sets
yrt
<
Orake,
Cesar
Chaves,
and
;
‘
;
me
Waa
Caban-trcined
.
SAS
aa
a
Luis Vaidax.
7
*
5
Ne
|
ities in the Delano area have been
amazed to learn that some of these rev-
Cesar is forced to subsist on the meager
donations of the National Council of
Churches.
Some churchmen, you see, no longer
take a blue-nosed attitude toward rev-
Church in Delano and a member of the
local Kiwanis € ub. You would like to
know the Reverend Moore; he is a fine
genueman
-
c} ala
and
4 goad
American.
Ele
s the “strike” organizers and
revalutionarics who harass the workers
in the Delano area in these words:
A bag doesn’t grunt because be’s
sick or bungrys be grunts because it’s
bis nature to grant... . They aren’é
working for the poor people; they're
working on fhe poor people.
larity to ates native laad. They worked
hard, saved, bought an acre of land and
then anéther and another. ‘Today they
are being viltiied as exploiters of immigrant labor. Nothing could be more
|
an
The Chairmaa of the Delano School.
board and President of the Lion's Club
is of Japanese ancestry. The Chairman
of the Planning Commission is a Mexical Araerican,
as are several
members
of the City Council and the Captain of
the Police Department. Stores in the
AMERICAN:
OPENTON
bers same of the top young
net th
tht ete
tet OO
AAR NC
PE SN
SS
A
NOR
tt
LN
A
OO a
cE A AG NE
OO IS A
RAEN
A OS
tS A
eS
Pt
mMem-
NN
SS
Canina
"DT he
SNC.
leaders
de.
Hakerstiield,
mow —
as one of Cha-
vez's chief
let
Ganz was an
hone student at pada for three years
but pave it up to go South as a field
organizer tor the revolunonaryS.N.C.C
organization.Southern law enforce cement
authorities,
who
found
it necessary
to
continues
to
jail bim oon several occasions for his
revouutionary activities there, are deubtless hac that he has returned to Calitornia.
Ganz,
of course,
act as a S&.N.C.C. organizer. Another
top SNC. man active in Delano is
PUNE,
964
a
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i
i
Communist like
7%
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See
Te
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one Brother Guibert, for several years
Vice Principal ot Garces pes High |
School in Pcctiald: 3 Srother
Gilbert,
who is also a member of the ash a
rast DuBois Clabs, has left the schaol
{
5
i
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3
¥
Nt
Delano is now teerning with SNACLC,
workers. One af the most imHportant 18
Marshall Ganz, a native of nearby
}
{
ae
“
ON
Joaquin
AY NEN
San
i
AN
KE
a
the
.
RERSTANITN aur yeruerenreatee nner stata eta
‘
Are NS
into
:ea
we
St
them
ta the proiessional
-
Ke
Y
A
brought
Valley,
NS
cided to give Pichiseo top perity on
their fomentativa-and-disorder fist and
muivied ten of their late-model radiocontrol umits out of Mississippi and
a
*
i
NR
Chavez.
NA
Mists ii the nation, merc in Fresno, California, The principe speaker was Co-
‘sar
“4
are Sent
NC
ifs
lea®
j
a
among
under his
rallying cry dure that “agrarian reformer's” rise to power.
|
Delano has ee mad sc a MN AQMEL ror,
all revolutionary types, varying from
1
.
es
<e
.”?
:
ve
A
ihe “pereniaally, wrtullible” like Steve AL
SAO NAO
counts
in Delano
real name, Leroy Chatfield. With such
effective seviolutionags in residen ce, it
is ho wonder that the Valley now echoes
to the cries of, “Verceremos' ' (Spanish
which
tor “Hee Shall Overcome’),
Cuban refugees testify was also a Castro
NCO
which
and is operating
TY Se
BrOup
NN
public opinion in the cities.
The fact that Delano ts remarkably
free of racial problems bast stopped
the script Ww writers of the revolution from
purting a heeavy emphasis on “Civil
Rights.” In fact, the dispate has become
as much a “Civil Rights” oroverment as
a labor squab ble. On October 28, 1965,
the West Coast leaders of the Student:
Noaviolent Coordina Ling Comittee
(S.N.C.C.),:a-Far, Left “Civit-Rights”
8
a
ee ae nat a ee,
tt
ne
me
ee es
le Nae a‘ ate
EN a
et le
tc
NOES AS ON
A
tn
ON tk
RE
EN
SN
ES
A
Ne
eS
NOES A
SN
OE EE
AS A
ALN A NNR
EEN
EN AE
RE AO NENA
EE
A
ON
create
SN NE
Ravelutionaries Dolares Nueria and Weady Gopel,
them nothing but talent and courage
and ambition, and they sertled in the
San joaquin Valley because of its simi-
fa
RO
oat
spectacke
A
AT
propaganda
A A
ee a
a
A
SE
uN
eva
<t%
ao
as
A
Roh:TAS i
:
being stayed for the local ciizenry, but
‘
A
Re
WOR
yee
Not.
er nt ws
8
\
Is
Ee
SALA
ig
Re
Rukh
play
EN
gest
hb A at
‘>
this
under-
A
hbk
eis
that
oiist
ON A
AAS oA
Lathes
+
however,
You
NAS AO EN A
$52
Wy!
stand,
live there.
AO
Waa
‘
steak yercktak
ve
SARA
all who
with racial bigotry Is Insane to
NE
\
i
/
PR NE SE
“th
on
Aes
AOE SSN
Ox
A
%
AOS RO
Pcie meto,
Nt
tN
a
in the area are predominantly
from: the Comyramiss and cotlectivist
revoltHans that engulfed Central Barope following World War I. They
came to the United States bringing with
By
:
The
refugee s fromm Yugoslavia who escaped
s
tr
f
Qi
a eed hice:
A
growers
with
cause the Lei
AOE
NOY IE Nef te ee
to drool
that
ENA
sc
te wa
ace
nls, te ec
ni
Ele tl a
NE
NE EY
estant cammounities
OE
IE
ENS A
AE
A
NN
ON a
eR
AO
the “strike” eee rs orociaan: > Could
they be oclietately deceiving the pub-
et lm
as.
Pag
Delano
owned by MexicanFuipinos. To charge
nt
U.S.A. as_
LS
ESE MENON ON ER ON AO SE OE A
Delanoreally Digotville,
OE BA NEN
is
SN
ACLE pred.”
community are
Americans and
alee
other such group because our people are
|
|
sa
Reverend Moore,° “This is one town that
never needed the N.A.ALCP. or any
|
|
|
es ee
as
et Es
the world a picture of racisra and
fame and poverty in Delano. Reverend Moore is flabbergasted. “L don’t
know of one Negro here that I could
ever pive any clothes ro, and | have
quite a supply in the church for jst
that purpose,” he says. According to the
|
|
|
|
A
te al yt,
A Nt
NE
NS
AE NAO A
give
3
NSS
A
tO
EN OE
St
NN I
ON RN
NN
SAE NS
NRE
A
NE
RE
thern, have
NC Ne Tg
4
I
araong
lic? Reverend _Moore_ inks. they are:
but then, he only lives there AMG ye We.
‘TOrcet to mention tha t Reverend BR. 4,
Moare is a Negro. That wouldn’t De.
important normally, but we'd hate to
see him embarrassed by being called a
bigoted racist.
Delano
is byye very naturea melting
pol, and if certainty bears no relationship to the W ite A
oe
Fant:
£
Ne
“clergymen”
EN
RN
SN
baa heey AMER Ane NOE DAA RT Rey Cer Reetey
The “strike” leaders, particularly the
PAE
s Baptist
OO
ust as in Selma and Sr. Augus! nine
and elsewhere where the revolutionaries
have strpipes the local clergy has remained fiercely independent throughout
the dispute aaa resents the invasion by
S
slander ere ommiunity.
One .such amines: a
ne rend
NS
{ rt “L ao .
ON
College.
20
Adair
i
1S the chi lef propagandist
for the “strikeers” magazine, Ef Mal-
A
Pomona
A
of
A
ani
ne PT pa
A NN A
Beta:
aS A
a
a ct =
CS A
AE AT
NN RO
A
NE
OE SE A
NS
A
A
ES A
Pht
YS
A NS
CGrayiviield Adair TM,
ers, bur by Doug
;
a
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Ban
SAAS att YA
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Steve
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Alle n
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ak
Poh SAAS
Senate
La ee
‘vusananayan ae
{
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i
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i
Hearing,
Northern Caivornia’s Comminnist Pa ro]
ty Chayinao, Mickey Lama. And it {i
\
wast purely by accident that the vari- !
ous characters of revaiution flocked to \i
i
the Delano area. The right sort of peo- {i
j
ple were actively recruited. For exam- \{
\
ple, John Eanptman, a sclf-professed
Marxist,
dict
eereeneet tere iteet trots Stott
Hen,
the
recruiting
fer
Delano
j
i
\
|
with
the
\
i
i
i
\
i
j
i
fron
the
teoirs
eve identally,
who
marched
“steshers amd bas helped to ene
a boycott of
Declana grapes in Los Angeles, admitred before a
ULS. Senate Investieating apa
et
that he took i
his “faces” and “fipures”’ for defense of the Dela- }:
'
Rete
poe ie
fb
no
revolutionaries
NEW
A,
serke
at
bowk.
i AGE
VT 2s
se
virecriy
i}
j
in one of the productive pastures for
that type of thing, at Berkeley.
You wouldn’t expect Communist Bettina Aptheker, the flower of the Berkeley rebellion, to stay away from such
a production, and she didn’t. Neither
did Patrick Hallinan, one of the many
Hallinan boys active in Communist activities. Other prominent visitors to
Delano playing bit parts for the
N.F.W.A. have been Allen Ginsberg,
the “beat generation” poet and marijuana advocate, and veteran Communist
Sam Cushner. Harvey Richards, photographer for the Communist newspaper People’s World, has also spent
considerable time in the Delano environs supplying pictures to the various
Communist publications which have
been coordinating publicity for the
“strike.” Making an appearance, too, was
S.N.C.C.,
C.O.R.E.,
the Students
for a
Democratic Society, and the DuBois
Clubs to this crew of experienced professional agitators, a truly talented aggregation, made up not of Mexican
stoop-laborers but of Communists and
“New Left” college graduates, has been
assembled behind the scenes to lead the
play for public sympathy.
Even so, if the Press had simply reported some of the tactics being used to
try to get the pickers to leave the fields
not have been
and strike, there would
much sympathy. When the “strike” was
originally called, about five hundred of
working
pickers
in the area
geles DuBois Clubs. And old-time Ida-
were forced by threats and violence to
leave the fields. Some moved to other
areas to avoid harassment by the revolutionaries, some got permission from,
their employers to take a few days off
to try and ‘avoid trouble, and a few
temporarily joined the imported pick-
claims to have joined the Party in 1933,
has also set up shop in Delano. By add-
about a dozen were back at work.
Of course, the fact that the pickers
Alan
Zak,
Chairman
dozens
ing
An-
Plumber,
who
Al
Communist
ho
of the Los
didn’t want
from
lights
lesser
of
eters. After three days, however, all but
sae
SREY
3
Bike
ct iet
Sia aroha
BR
tis &
iene
a strike didn’t deter the
guage
peeneeet
GRREASER
eS
aCe
|
rh Thee ak aan
5
i
eae cee
|
an
a AS
et
ke
-
:
xLA
ee
| ais nsky-trainved
3
4
art
Cesar
v
%
ie
%
peer
a
sie
oe
3
erreur
Chover
AHL
ATCA
he
AA
ATE
aL
MES UTR PEAR UA LANDS AB Ahab RAMA
and
$.N.C.0,
eed
a
hg
ERS
revelutionary
Bese
Marshall
SCANTY
RRMA
Genz
TUN a
Moa
abet Ra
ey AAAS een A
bhuranguve
CYT Shh es EO
A a
for
AMERICAN
A
CAS
erect ark ice
||
y SRA
e
h
7
Per ieee:
ed
West
TN
Gane See een Ven
Seta
|
yr
ai
‘i
BS
~
3h
3%
BONA
y
ag
&
. WA
Communist?
wy
ANY
BAB
ithang
meetings.
A
woman
hae
BK
raparters,
OPINION
not
only
to men
but
was
women
Among the leaders of the crowd making profane and obscene denouncements of the workers was the “Reverend” Chris Hartmire, an Alinsky devotee and former convict who is Director of the Migrant Ministry. He is
being supported by the National CounJUNE,
1966
TAS
ood |
ohn WAR ED
{standing},
visiting Marxists. After all, they had a
job to do, Pete Cuadra, who supports
his family by picking grapes, describes
the tactics used by the imported revolutionaries:
also.
at
(fj,
‘
7
threatened with a knife at her throat
on her own front lawn... they
continued picketing the workers that
were in the fields. Now their language started to be abusive and very
offensive. Besides calling us scabs
they began to use more vulgar lan-
ever)
'
fn
ur
stays
$c
Friends we knew were being taken
from their homes, beaten and threatened if they did not attend the
||
||
bs oer EA
TeA
SASL SN
wi
“NEN SOA a
Reuther
union
|
|!
!
|
|
My Raut
:
y
Aaa
the 5,500
aad
others
er ROSTER
listen
Os
ta
ns
SERRE
Casar
SIR
ae
BEL
ak
YOY
ax
sa
Chovesx,
cil of Churches. Most Americans would
be shocked to learn that their Church
contributions
were
being funneled
through the National Council of
Churches into use for “union” organizing and to provide “Reverends” to
curse honest working people. Yet, that
is just what is happening.
The real workers, however, have not
been fooled and have continued to
work, Celestino Dulay, one of the pickers, told a union organizer: “We are
making $3 on piece work. You are offering $1.40.” Ted Ramos, a labor con-
tractor, described his confrontation with
a strike recruiter: “I explained to him
that I had expenses on my house, my
car, a pickup, and my furniture of about
$350 a month. If he would give me a
written guarantee of $350 a month, I
wouldn’t go to work.” The union man
left, and pickets were on the roadside
where Ramos’ crew was working the
following day.
Intimidation of the workers by the
imported pickets is now the primary
tactic. Their latest gambit, one worker
y
»
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shes Seca
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Re.ro
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Kennedy
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beg
encourages
Le
ARS
GA
Delano
A
ESAAY
.
bk
SSR
hy
s
ths
revolutionaries.
t
ou
sh
to
s
er
et
ck
pi
e
th
told us, is for
t
no
do
u
yo
If
e.
ar
u
yo
o
h
w
“We know
t
ge
t
'
n
o
w
u
yo
,
w
o
n
ke
ri
st
‘come. out on
is
y
d
e
n
n
e
K
y
b
b
o
B
n.
a job after we wi
r
e
h
t
o
n
A
.”
se
lo
t
n’
ca
e
W
on our’ side.
e
th
at
s
e
l
b
r
a
m
re
fi
to
is
favorite tactic
erc
fo
en
w
la
—
s
t
o
h
s
g
n
i
pickers with sl
s
or
at
it
ag
at
th
rt
po
re
s
e
i
t
ment authori
a
l
e
D
in
s
e
l
b
r
a
m
d
n
a
s
u
o
h
t
r
u
bought fo
e
th
t
s
n
i
a
g
a
e
us
r
fo
y
da
no in a single
si
bu
ty
et
pr
ry
ve
t
no
’s
It
.
field workers
.
1s
r
e
v
e
n
n
o
i
t
a
d
i
m
i
t
n
i
,
en
th
ness; but
e
v
a
h
s
r
e
k
r
o
w
t
n
e
c
e
d
at
th
The terror
e
r
o
m
er
ev
it
s
e
k
a
m
o
n
a
l
e
D
in
suffered
pha
is
t
a
h
w
d
n
a
t
s
r
e
d
n
u
vital that we
l
ca
lo
a
y
l
e
r
e
m
t
no
is
It
e.
pening ther
e
l
p
m
a
x
e
an
y
l
e
r
e
m
t
no
matter and it is
of “union
excesses.”
In
fact,
what
1s
ex
k
o
o
b
t
x
e
t
a
1s
o
n
a
l
e
D
in
g
happenin
d
e
t
i
n
u
“
t
s
i
n
u
m
m
o
C
c
si
as
ample of the cl
m
o
C
e
th
h
c
i
h
w
in
,
e
u
q
i
n
front” tech
in
d
n
a
h
k
r
o
w
s
r
e
g
a
n
a
m
munist stageav
tr
ow
ll
fe
t
s
i
n
u
m
m
o
C
n
o
n
hand with
o
n
a
l
e
D
.
s
e
p
u
d
d
n
a
,
s
t
s
i
n
u
t
r
o
p
elers, op
r
fo
t
in
po
g
n
i
r
e
h
t
a
g
e
th
e
has been mad
s
u
o
m
a
f
n
i
d
n
a
s
u
o
m
a
f
of
r
a numbe
e
g
n
a
r
t
s
e
k
a
m
ly
ib
ns
te
os
o
h
w
s
r
e
t
charac
10
revolutionaries
leader,
A.F.L-C.1LO.’s
local
organizer,
Ui
Larry
Communist
,
z
e
v
a
h
C
d
n
a
g
n
i
o
d
is
be
t
a
knows wh
y
ar
on
ti
lu
vo
re
y
sk
in
Al
by using the
r
bo
la
r
e
w
a
r
r
a
n
e
th
of
d
ea
st
methods in
e
v
o
m
s
hi
d
e
l
p
u
o
c
s
ba
s,
ic
ct
ta
urden
e
d
a
s
u
r
C
ns
ze
ti
Ci
s
r’
he
ut
Re
ment with
Avainst Poverty movement,
\
iy
the
to
Cesar Chavez, by announcing
and his union would aid the
ct
fa
e
th
of
e
it
sp
in
,
is
Th
t,
ot
yc
bo
and
r
o
t
i
t
e
p
m
o
c
a
y
ll
ca
ti
re
eo
th
is
z
that Chave
\
%‘
a
support
!
What
we
have
here, you
see, is the
to
t
pu
”
e
d
a
s
u
r
C
s
en
iz
it
“C
result of the
.
ll
fa
st
la
s
ie
ar
on
ti
lu
vo
re
p
to
gether by
be
y
l
t
p
m
o
r
p
h
c
i
h
w
”
e
d
a
s
u
r
C
“
It is a
”
,
s
t
h
g
i
R
il
iv
“C
e
th
e
n
i
gan to comb
“Peace,”
“Poor
Corps,”
“agrarian
re-
opr
r”
bo
la
ry
na
io
ut
ol
ev
“r
form,” and
t
s
i
n
u
m
m
o
C
l
na
io
at
rn
te
In
e
th
grams of
th
wi
up
m
e
h
t
e
ti
to
d
n
a
—
y
c
a
r
i
p
Cons
m
e
m
e
r
ll
wi
u
o
Y
y.
rt
ve
Po
on
the War
opr
n
io
un
s
r’
he
ut
Re
r
e
ber that Walt
u
yo
t;
ec
oj
pr
e
th
r
fo
n
io
ll
vided $1 mi
e
ud
cl
in
”
s
r
e
d
a
s
u
r
C
“
p
to
at
th
will recall
e
th
,
ng
Ki
r
e
h
t
u
L
n
i
t
r
a
M
,
rs
he
the Reut
l
ci
un
Co
d
l
r
o
W
d
an
l
a
n
o
i
t
a
N
notorious
n
o
s
r
a
C
e
n
e
g
u
E
re
gu
fi
s
e
h
c
r
u
of Ch
d
an
t
er
rv
pe
x
se
d
te
ic
nv
co
d
Blake, an
re
ll
wi
u
yo
;
in
st
Ru
d
r
agitator Baya
k
c
i
D
or
ct
re
Di
”
e
d
a
s
u
r
C
“
at
member: th
t
n
a
t
r
o
p
m
i
an
at
th
ed
ar
cl
de
s
ha
Boone
opr
”
e
d
a
s
u
r
C
s
en
iz
it
“C
part of the
ap
y
k
s
n
i
l
A
“
e
th
y
o
l
p
m
e
to
be
gram will
at
th
r
e
b
m
e
m
e
r
en
ev
ll
wi
proach”; you
ru
“C
e
th
at
ed
en
at
re
th
r
e
h
t
Walter Reu
n
o
t
g
n
i
h
s
a
W
in
n
o
i
t
n
e
v
n
sade’s” April co
l
ra
de
fe
e
th
th
wi
n
io
at
er
op
(held in co
at
th
)
y
t
i
n
u
t
r
o
p
p
O
c
i
m
o
n
o
c
E
Office of
..
“.
:
ed
ow
ll
fo
s
wa
m
a
r
g
o
r
unless his p
so
of
ic
br
fa
e
th
r
e
d
n
u
we will tear as
n
A
u:
yo
ts
hi
it
,
ng
ba
,
en
th
ciety.” And
AMERICAN
OPINION
|
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being sent to support Communists and
their agents and dupes in Delano; no
wonder that S.N.C.C. is pouring in agitators; no wonder that the pro-Vietcong
crew is supplying heady support; no
wonder that Walter Reuther and Mickey
Lima and Bettina Aptheker and Communists from all over the United States
have been crowding into tiny Delano.
No wonder!
Local officials surmise that the strate-.
gy being used calls for Chavez and his
openly revolutionary N.F.W.A. to run
interference for Communist Itliong’s
“union.” The idea is that many growers
may decide that Itliong’s organization
is the lesser of two evils and be stampeded into surrendering to him. A number of the local growers show signs of
being willing to submit to this false alternative rather than have federal auforce
thorities
on
N.F.W.A.
Chavez’s
into that one big “union of the poor” to
them. The warkers will be the losers in
ee
x
ae a
si
»
a
Xi
uy
aS
Say
EO
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ees
i
NT pe
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§
A
AR
Ra,
either instance.
Local citizens are, of course, upset at
the role that both the federal and state
governments have played in this dispute. One Delano law enforcement officer told us, “It is simply amazing how
these people seem to have so many state
and federal administrators at their beck
and call.” Besides the Poverty Program
grants, the federal government has been
helpful in other ways, such as providing transportation funds for Delano
“union” organizers to travel around the
country soliciting funds. We have even
seen a photostat of an extremely friendly letter signed by Harold Barrett Jr.,
an officer in the federal Bureau of Apprenticeship and Training, authorizing
Dolores Huerta, another Alinsky pupil
and co-founder of the N.F.W.A., to fly,
courtesy of the taxpayers, to the April,
1966, meeting in Washington, D.C., of
Walter Reuther’s and Martin Luther
King’s “Citizens Crusade” — which is
endeavoring to unite all of the “underprivileged” of the cities and rural areas
important new “united front” is operating in America. And it is operating in
Delano. No wonder War on Poverty
funds and Reuther’s union funds are
RN
sti AG
|
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A
WY
: aoe
oi
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BAMSLRA UL eb haa Aksa Ah
TUNE,
1966
$
Cire
ES
AY
EA
Se
Chek
si
Marxist
ar
POY
iat
steve
Gm
e
ate
attorney
ay
ARS
atee
‘ .
i
asl AR
Alax
, \
;
Rofiman
satAAAS 4 A RAGES
WeSRRUAL
marches
hie
LEAR
ey RAenk
AG
with
Rb‘
a
apa
Sea
et
ga sgh SLLba
VEE
UE
Vb
aa
eA
Se
’
R EUV ERNES SROPERR RT Ga TE RAT SS
NEEYEE
ER EAERD
rN VEE EKSUUES MPERRE
AD
“strikers.”
;
Y
TER
nc Ne
\
2s
A
Revere
iayl
'
La ek Phe
Sry
eg
eat
goss ens
i
{
}
ty
eeeee eke Cs Aspe
he wiry
wtp
s
erter
eterh
otha mbna erly theebelrth
WHA:
Cee eet ae Ne
j
,
——
m
o
C
e
th
r
fo
te
si
st
te
a
bedfellows. It is
t.
an
rt
po
Im
ry
ve
is
if
d
n
A
s.
munist
a
e
d
a
m
,
e
l
p
m
a
x
e
r
fo
r,
he
ut
Re
r
Walte
e
th
r
te
at
e
er
th
e
g
a
m
i
r
p
l
special pi
et
cr
se
a
ur
id
la
en
be
d
ha
k
r
o
w
ground
r
he
ot
br
s
hi
by
r
ie
rl
ea
h
t
o
o
m
e
on
t
visi
ll
fu
nt
le
s
ba
,
se
ur
co
of
r,
he
Roy. Reat
j
'
ee
~
STANT
TNS
MERE
AYE RETR
RRL TONES RRR
‘gave
EN. ARTO"
Ame
AR
to
sence acai
RRR
SIO
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one,
aii
nF NEO LE OM RS
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TEM,
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8
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ei.
RR PRES
hc
HS
SS
re
r
§
Bek s
ite eal
Holding
strike book,
Kennedy
defends
Reds.
’
-
me
”
te
te,
Ki
: sa
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$
ee
Vo
te: GA
eee
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*
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RID
se?
a
ee
;
Mid’,
ia
ters
oe
PM
a
marchers stopped in various small towns
along the way to play a tape recording
of Bobby Kennedy’s speech to the Delano revolutionaries.
The march, which projected the
“strike” into national prominence,
’
march from Delano to Sacramento, the
%
Another prominent government official who caused a tremendous furor in
the Delano area is Senator Robert F.
Kennedy, who was in the area in connection with Senate Committee Hearings on agriculture. During the Hearings, when it was brought out that
Deputies from the Kern County Sheriff’s office were taking candid snapshots of the various agitators and Communists as they entered Delano, Senator Kennedy became very alarmed,
much more so than he ever became over
the Fair Play For Cuba Committee.
“Sheriff,” he growled, “I suggest you
read the Constitution of the United
States.” The Senator appears to feel that
it is an infringement on the rights of
the revolutionaries to have their pictures
taken. But Bobby made his point. Representatives from the Sheriff’s office do
not photograph the Communists in
Delano anymore.
at all shy about taking sides in the Delano dispute. The “strikers’” publications
are full of pictures of Bobby with Cesar Chavez or Communist Larry Itliong.
In fact, on the famous March-April
:
munists.
was not, of course,
-
Senator Kennedy
Cw
demand their “rights.” That letter was
a reminder of just how important the
new “Citizens Crusade” is to the Com-
started from Delano with about seventy.
persons, of whom (according to local
y e were Delano
fiv
police) approximatel
people. The wire services falsely reported there were 250 marchers.
The crowd remained at about seventy persons until it neared Sacramento,
where it was joined by Communists,
Leftists, and misguided do-gooders from
all over Northern California. The
marchers carried religious symbols in
an hypocritical appeal to the Catholicism
of Mexican-Americans in the area. At
one point on the march, however, both
the American flag and the Cross of
Guadalupe were dragged in the dirt by
young men screaming “Vive Castro.”
As the parade entered the outskirts of
Sacramento, the marchers again began
chanting and shouting slogans. “Vive
la huelga (Hooray for the strike) predominated, but the “Vive Castro” cheers
also continued. Governor Edmund “Pat”
Brown, described by Time magazine as
“a tower of jelly,” fled town rather than
face the marchers. He is facing re-election this fall.
The marching revolutionaries carried
large Red flags bearing a small outline
of a black eagle. This is the flag of the
Trotskyite revolution in Mexico. Many
of the agitators also carried banners de-.
claring that they meant to start a reves
olution.
At the Capitol grounds Dolores Huerta, Vice
President
of
the
N.F.W.A.,
gave the speech of triumph celebrating
AMERICAN
OPINION
the end of the march. She said that there
had been an earlier effort to end “deprivation” in the San Joaquin Valley.
But, she said:
The difference between 1959 and
1966... is revolution—the farm
workers have been organized....
We are not alone. We are accompanied by many friends. The religious
leaders of the state, spearheaded by
the California Migrant Ministry, the
student groups and civil rights
groups that make up the movement
that has been successful in securing.
civil rights for negroes in this country. . . . and organized labor, our
staunchest ally, are all in the revoluHOM
es
The workers are on the rise. There
will be strikes all over the state and
throughout the country because Delano
has shown
what
can
be
done,
and the workers know they are no
longer alone.
If the rules to settle our economic problems are not forthcoming, we
AMERICAN
OPINION
will call a General Strike to paralyze
the state’s agricultural economy. ...
The social and economic revolution of the farm workers is well
under way and will not be stopped
until they receive equality.
What is the revolution they are after?
Why, it is the very revolution declared
earlier by Walter Reuther and Martin
Luther King for their “Citizens Crusade.” And, of course, it is being given
the full support of the Communists. It
is therefore not very difficult for students of revolution to calculate what
the growers have in store for them in
the future.
7
The grower’s Achilles heel is an old
law, passed during the Administration
of Theodore
Roosevelt, aimed at curb-
ing speculators with “inside” knowledge of where federal dams were to be
built. The law says that any grower
getting water from federal dams can be
forced to sell his property over 160
acres as “excess land.” That law has
never been enforced, as it would destroy
13
Mr. Cesar Chavez,
Direct<
National Farm Workers Aasntietten
102 Albany Street
Delano,
Dear
California
Cesar:
lam enclosing a check for $500, 00 that is a contributix from Theodo
Bikel. Hie address is 3 Washir ton Square Village, New York, New York.
This contribution represents half of the fee that the UAW paid to Brother
Bikel for his performance during the UAW Convention in Long Beach.
He wished no personal gain for his contribution to our
want
to giv
ed
e his supp
to or
the gra
tpe strike.
Convention an
Sincerely and fraternally,
Paul Schrade, Director
UAW Region 6
|
the farmers. But now a beginning attempt at forcing the growers to sell their
land has been made by the federal government—this
in
their
attack
on
the
large DiGiorgio Vineyards. Chavez,
and the N.F.W.A. and their behindthe-scenes backers see the handwriting
on the wall. In the next few years they
expect to make increased demands to
force the growers to sell their “excess
lands” in a program in which the federal government, probably through the
~War on Poverty, will loan money to
the “unions,” or their members, to purchase the lands and set up the type of
“cooperatives” that Sargent Shriver is
already encouraging in the cities. The
farmers will be forced, because
of the
government’s monopoly position in
water, to submit to having their lands
taken from them with their own tax
money.
While two growers have now surto the “union,” the majority
rendered
continue to refuse. One of the two that
did surrender,
Christian
Brothers, was
Church run and was never picketed, but
surrendered because of Church pressures. The second, Schenley, was the
target of a nationwide boycott by Leftists; and, since less than one percent of
that company’s holdings are in California grape fields, Schenley Industries
may have figured the fight was not
worth it. Or possibly government bureaus mentioned the magic word, anztrtrust. Still, nearly every grower in Delano we talked to maintained that the
Kennedy family owns a large block of
Schenley stock.
Meanwhile,
Walter
Reuther’s
“Citi-
zens Crusade” continues to demand
federal legislation with all kinds of
welfare guarantees, on threat of stepping
up the revolution in the streets; right
now one of its primary objectives is to
force our farmers to accept a union
shop. The implications of such control
of agriculture are phenomenal. First, it
would give the union revolutionaries
like Reuther full-circle control over the
U.S. economy and, second, it would
place a loaded gun at the growers’
heads. A ripe crop is not like a production line. You can’t shut it down for
a month and then come back to it.
When a crop is ripe it has to be picked
now,
not
next
week.
A _ threatened
strike at harvest time would offer an
annual opportunity for blackmail. The
loss of one crop could break a farm,.
and no law could protect the farmer
from a phony “wildcat” strike.
If you live in the city you can expect
to hear more of the “Grapes of Wrath”
that exist for the farm workers. You
will be told that only massive federal
legislation, poverty grants, and unionization will end the terrible situation—
just as you have heard a similar tune
concerning “Civil Rights.” The charges
are phony. They come from the same
source. And you can count on the fact
that the Communists are. continuing to
|
run the show.
=
‘Ramparts Magazine, July, 1966
Reproduced with permission, |
The Organizer’s Tale
by Cesar Chavez
REALLY STARTED for me 16 years ago in San Jose,
California, when I was working on an apricot farm.
We figured he was just another social worker doing
fA a study of farm conditions, and I kept refusing to
meet with him. But he was persistent. Finally, I got to-
gether some of the rough element in San Jose. We were
going to have a little reception for him to teach the gringo
a little bit of how we felt. There were about 30 of us in the
house, young guys mostly. I was supposed to give them a
signal — change my cigarette from my right hand to my
left, and then we were going to give him a lot of hell. But
he started talking and the more he talked, the more wideeyed I became and the less inclined I was to give the signal.
A couple of guys who were pretty drunk at the time still
wanted to give the gringo the business, but we got rid of —
them. This fellow was making a lot of sense, and I wanted
to hear what he had to say.
|
RAMPARTS
43
His name was Fred Ross, and he was an organizer for
the Community Service Organization (CSO) which was
working with Mexican-Americans in the cities. 1 became
- immediately really involved. Before long I was heading a
voter registration drive. All the time I was observing the
things Fred did, secretly, because I wanted to learn how
to organize, to see how it was done. I was impressed with
‘his patience and understanding of people. I thought this
was a tool, one of the greatest things he had.
- another. I was also learning to read and write, those late
evenings. I had left school in the 7th grade after attending
67 different schools, and my reading wasn’t the best.
At our first organizing mecting we had 368 people: Ill
never forget it because it was very important to me. You
eat your heart out; the meeting is called for 7 o’clock and
- you start to worry about 4. You wait. Will they show up?
Then the first one arrives. By 7 there are only 20 people,
you have everything in order, you have to look calm. But
little by little they filter in and at a certain point you know
it will be a success.
After four months in Oakland, I was transferred. The
chapter was beginning to move on its own, so Fred assigned me to organize the San Joaquin Valley. Over the
months I developed what I used to call schemes or tricks
— now I call them techniques— of making initial contacts. The main thing in convincing someone is to spend
It was pretty rough for me at first. | was changing and
had to take a lot of ridicule from the kids my age, the
rough characters I worked with in the fields. They would
say, “Hey, big shot. Now that you’re a politico, why are
you working here for 65 cents an hour?”’ I might add that
our neighborhood had the highest percentage of San
Quentin graduates. It was a game among the pachucos
in the sense that we defended ourselves from outsiders,
although inside the neighborhood there was not a lot -" time with him. It doesn’t matter if he can read, write or
even speak well. What is important is that he is a man and
of fighting.
second, that he has shown some initial interest. One good
After six months of working every night in San Jose,
way to develop leadership is to take a man with you in
Fred assigned me to take over the CSO chapter in Decoto.
your car. And it works a lot better if you’re doing the
It was a tough spot to fill. I would suggest something, and
driving; that way you are in charge. You drive, he sits
people would say, “No, let’s wait till Fred gets back,” or
there, and you talk. These little things were very important
-“Fred wouldn’t do it that way.” This is pretty much a
to me; I was caught ina big game by then, figuring out
pattern with people, I discovered, whether I was put in
what makes people work. I found that if you work hard
Fred’s position, or later, when someone else was put in
enough you can usually shake people into working too,
my position. After the Decoto assignment I was sent to
those who are concerned. You work harder and they work
start a new chapter in Oakland. Before I left, Fred came
harder still, up to a point and then they pass you. Then, of
to a place in San Jose called the Hole-in-the-Wall and we
course, they’ re.on their own.
talked for half an hour over coffee. He was in a rush to
I also learned to keep away from the established groups
leave, but I wanted to keep him talking; I was that scared
oe
and so-called leaders, and to guard against philosophizing.
of my assignment.
There were hard times in Oakland. First of all, it was — Working with low-income people is very different from
working with the professionals, who like to sit around
a big city and I’d get lost every time I went anywhere.
“ talking about how to play politics. When you’re trying to
ThenIJ arranged a series of house meetings. I would get to
recruit a farmworker, you have to paint a little picture,
the meeting early and drive back and forth past the house,
and then you have to color the picture in. We found out
too nervous to go in and face the people. Finally I would
that the harder a guy is to convince, the better leader or
_ force myself to go inside and sit in a corner. I was quite
member_he becomes. When you exert yourself to con- thin then, and young, and most of the people were middlevince him, you have his confidence and he has good
aged. Someone would say, ““Where’s the organizer?”’ And
motivation. A lot of people who say OK right away wind
I would pipe up, “Here I am.” Then they would say in
up hanging around the office, taking up the workers’ time.
Spanish — these were very poor people and we hardly
spoke anything but Spanish — “Ha! This kid?’’ Most of.
them said they were interested, but the hardest part was —
to get them to start pushing themselves, on their own
initiative.
The idea was
attending person
new people — a
meeting I would
playing the tape
at one point, or
to set up a meeting and then get each
to call his own house mecting, inviting
sort of chain letter effect. After a house
lie awake going over the whole thing,
back, trying to see why people laughed
why they were for one thing and against
URING THE McCarTHY ERA in one Valley town, I
was subjected to a lot of redbaiting. We had
j been recruiting people for citizenship classes
at the high school when we got into a quarrel
with the naturalization examiner. He was rejecting people
on the grounds that they were just parroting what they
learned in citizenship class. One day we had a meeting
about it in Fresno, and I took along some of the leaders
of our local chapter. Some redbaiting official gave us a
hard timie, and the people got scared and took his side.
They did it because it seemed easy at the moment, even
though they knew that sticking with me was the right
thing to do. It was disgusting. When we left the building
they walked by themselves ahead of me as if I had some
kind of communicable disease. I had been working with
_ these people for three months and I was very sad to see
that. It taught me a great lesson.
That night I learned that the chapter officers were holding a meeting to review my letters and printed materials
to see if I really was a Communist. So I drove out there
and walked right in on their meeting. I said, “I hear
At every meeting I got up and gave my standard speech:
we shouldn't meet in fancy motels, we were getting away
from the people, farmworkers had to be organized. But
nothing happened. In March of ’62 I resigned and came
to Delano to begin organizing the Valley on my own.
By hand I drew a map of all the towns between Arvin
and Stockton — 86 of them, including farming camps —
and decided to hit them all to get a small nucleus of people
working in each. For six months I traveled around, planting an idea. We had a simple questionnaire, a little card
with space for name, address and how much the worker
thought he ought to be paid. My wife, Helen, mimeographed them, and we took our kids for two or three day
jaunts to these towns, distributing the cards door-to-door
and to camps and groceries.
you’ve been discussing me, and I thought it would be nice
if I was here to defend myself. Not that it matters that
much to you or even to me, because as far as I’m con|
ey
Vall
t
eigh
from
back
sent
were
s
card
00
80,0
e
Som
n
bega
they
that
At
”
rds.
cerned you are a bunch of cowa
was
I
but
way,
that
acts
cont
of
lot
a
got
|
.
ties
coun
nice
a
’re
to apologize. “‘Let’s forget it,” they said. “You
ers
grow
The
ng.
aski
were
le
peop
the
s
wage
the
at
ked
|
shoc
disfull
a
ted
wan
I
guy.” But| didn’t want apologies.
the
of
cent
per
95
be
may
and
5,
$1.1
and
$1
ng
payi
were
y
the
that
but
n,
dam
a
— cussion. | told them I didn’t give
Some
5.
$1.2
only
ing
gett
be
ld
shou
they
ght
thou
le
peop
be
to
ed
had to learn to distinguish fact from what appear
to
hope
“I
s:
card
the
on
ages
mess
d
bble
scri
le
peop
s
time
the
in
two
till
a fact because of fear. I kept them there
like
“I'd
or
”’
win?
can
we
k
thin
you
“Do
or
win”
we
God
y
the
if
w
kno
’t
don
I
morning. Some of the women cried.
penthe
with
s
card
the
d
rate
sepa
I
So
.”
more
w
kno
to
few
r
the
ano
on
yed
sta
I
but
investigated me any further,
le.
peop
e
thos
to
went
and
car
my
in
got
s,
note
d
cille
months and things worked out.
for
none
,
days
e
thos
in
all
at
ey
mon
any
have
’t
didn
We
ve
lea
d
we’
n
whe
en
This was not an isolated case. Oft
and
le
peop
to
went
I
So
.
food
for
any
ly
hard
and
gas
w
dra
people to themselves they would get frightened and
best
the
t
abou
be
to
out
ed
turn
It
.
food
for
ng
aski
ted
star
rs.
yea
the
back into their shells where they had been all
your
on
hard
it’s
first
at
ough
alth
,
done
have
d
coul
I
g
thin
.
ion
iat
rec
app
real
And I learned quickly that there is no
If
way.
that
in
came
s
ber
mem
best
our
of
e
Som
e.
prid
may
- Whatever you do, and no matter what reasons you
ts.
hear
their
you
give
ll
they'
,
food
their
you
give
le
peop
e,
don
it
see
give to others, you do it because you want to
ing
work
a
had
we
later
ings
meet
y
man
and
ths
mon
ral
Seve
n’t
uld
sho
re
or maybe because you want power. And the
le.
peop
the
were
ers
lead
the
time
this
and
,
tion
niza
erga
ord
goo
w
kno
1
be any appreciation, understandably.
conng
aini
barg
ve
ecti
coll
had
rs
rke
mwo
far
the
of
e
Non
y
the
e
aus
bec
ganizers who were destroyed, washed out,
got
we
re
befo
s
year
ten
take
d
woul
it
ght
thou
I
and
s,
tract
one
Any
e.
don
y’d
expected people to appreciate what the
r
colo
some
get
to
ely
erat
desp
ed
want
|
.
ract
cont
first
that
of
free
who comes in with the idea that farmworkers are
d
coul
they
g
thin
some
le
peop
give
to
nt,
eme
mov
the
into
er
nev
has
her
eit
sin and that the growers are all bastards,
t)
abou
s
book
ome
ings
read
Iwas
flag.
a
like
with,
ify
ident
er.
ord
t
firs
the
of
~ dealt with the situation or is an idealist
d
ste
tra
con
ors
col
t
wha
d
ere
cov
dis
s
der
lea
s
iou
var
how
Things don’t work that way.
a
that
nd
fou
had
ans
pti
Egy
The
.
best
the
out
od
sto
and
the
As
.
CSO
For more than 10 years I worked for the
the
in
lem
emb
ck
bla
a
and
le
circ
te
whi
a
h
wit
d
fiel
red
r
cie
fan
in
g
tin
mee
organization grew, we found ourselves
ted
wan
1
.
else
g
hin
not
like
s
eye
r
you
into
d
she
cra
ter
cen
ns.
tio
ven
and fancier motels and holding expensive con
n
ica
Mex
the
on
as
,
ter
cen
the
in
le
eag
ec
Azt
the
use
to
y
The
g.
nin
joi
Doctors, lawyers and politicians began
”
le.
eag
ec
Azt
an
aw
“Dr
,
uel
Man
sin
cou
my
d
tol
I
So
.
flac
and
ion
zat
ani
org
the
would get elected to some office in
the
ed
ifi
mod
we
so
it,
h
wit
e.
ubl
tro
tle
lit
a
had
uel
Man
the
ng
usi
on
then, for all practical purposes, leave. Intent
w.
dra
to
ple
peo
for
ier
eas
it
e
mak
to
le
eag
”
rs,
ade
“le
se
the
es,
pos
pur
ge
CSO for their own presti
the
call
to
d
ide
dec
we
t
wha
of
g
tin
mee
big
t
firs
The
n
Whe
e.
hav
to
had
many of them, lacked the urgency we
tem
Sep
in
d
hel
was
on
ati
oci
Ass
s
ker
Wor
m
Far
al
ion
Nat
m
gra
pro
a
for
I became general director I began to press
e
hug
our
had
We
.
ple
peo
287
h
wit
,
sno
Fre
at
2,
196
ber
the
of
t
mos
a
ide
an
to organize farmworkers into a union,
the
n
Whe
it.
r
ove
ked
tac
er
pap
h
wit
l,
wal
the
on
flag
red
.
CSO
the
leadership opposed. So I started a revolt within
the
off
er
pap
the
y
pin
rip
d
cor
a
led
to.
pul
uel
Man
d
e,
use
cam
ref
e
tim
gs,
tin
mee
at
I refused to sit at the head table
m
the
of
e
Som
.
ple
peo
the
hit
it
den
sud
a
of
all
and
flag
and
ve
sha
to
d
use
ref
n
wear a suit and tic, and finally | eve
bpro
it
satd
I
,
and
ist
flag
mun
Com
a
was
it
ed
if
der
won
s.
nal
sio
fes
pro
the
of
e
som
ass
cut my hair. It used to embarr
ng
hi
yt
an
an
th
em
bl
em
zi
Na
one
a
e
lik
re
mo
ed
ok
lo
ably
up
got
el
nu
Ma
so
n,
io
at
an
pl
ex
an
ed
nt
wa
y
the
t
Bu
e.
els
the
en
wh
t’s
tha
—
es
fli
le
eag
mn
da
t
tha
n
he
“W
and said,
farmworkers’ problems are going to be solved.”
One of the first things I decided was that outside money
wasn’t going to organize people, at least not in the begin—
p
ou
gr
e
vat
pri
a
om
fr
t
an
gr
a
wn
do
ed
rn
tu
en
ev
1
ning.
t
jus
r
fo
—
s
er
rk
wo
rm
fa
ze
ni
ga
or
to
ly
ect
dir
go
to
0
$50,00
u
yo
,
ed
ch
ta
at
s
ing
str
no
are
re
the
en
wh
en
Ev
.
on
as
this re
pro
to
ve
ha
u
yo
l
fee
u
yo
e
us
ca
be
d
se
mi
ro
mp
co
ll
are sti
ng
lo
a
es
tak
it
e
us
ca
be
,
bad
is
is
Th
s.
ult
res
e
at
di
me
im
duce
s
fer
suf
on
ti
za
ni
ga
or
ur
yo
d
an
,
nt
me
ve
mo
a
ld
time to bui
We
to.
s
ng
lo
be
it
le
op
pe
the
of
d
ea
ah
far
too
- if you get
ul
gf
in
an
me
a
lly
rea
,
ily
fam
per
r
yea
a
$42
at
es
set the du
by
ed
in
ma
re
12
y
onl
,
pay
to
got
we
212
dues, but of the
gh
ou
en
not
but
t,
tha
at
d
ge
ra
ou
sc
di
re
we
We
June of 63.
;
|
t.
qui
us
to make
a
ng
ci
fa
re
we
we
ce
On
m.
le
ob
pr
a
ys
Money was alwa
d
an
o
ag
e
tim
ng
lo
a
got
I’d
rd
ca
dit
cre
a
on
l
bil
gas
$180
‘was about to lose. And we had to keep that credit card.
ls,
bol
g
in
ll
pu
,
on
tt
co
g
in
ck
pi
re
we
I
d
an
e
wif
my
One day
o
“D
,
me
to
d
sai
n
le
He
on.
e
liv
to
y
ne
mo
le
tt
li
to make a
t
gh
ou
th
I
?”
on
tt
co
the
t
jus
or
,
bag
the
in
s
thi
all
put
u
yo
Pry
:
HE MOVEMENT really caught on in ’64. By August
we had a thousand members. We'd had a beauti-
ful 90-day drive in Corcoran, where they had
{the Battle of the Corcoran Farm Camp 30 years
our
in
0
,00
$25
of
ets
ass
had
we
er
emb
Nov
by
and
ago,
credit union, which helped to stabilize the membership. I
r
yea
t
nex
e
Th
3.
196
of
e
ol
wh
the
pay
t
ou
th
wi
had gone
n
le
He
er
aft
,
ary
sal
ek
we
a
$40
a
me
ed
vot
s
er
mb
me
the
on.
uni
dit
cre
the
ge
na
ma
to
lds
fie
the
in
g
in
rk
wo
t
qui
to
had
it
but
one
ll
sma
a
,
’65
of
y
Ma
in
was
ike
str
t
firs
r
Ou
prepared us for the big one. A farmworker from McFard:
sai
He
me.
see
to
me
ca
o
ch
ma
Ca
io
an
if
Ep
d
land name
es
ros
the
g
in
rk
wo
ple
peo
w
ho
of
ed
tir
and
k
sic
he was
I
”
it.
lim
the
“go
to
g
lin
wil
was
he
and
d,
ate
were being tre
at
gs
in
et
me
d
hol
to
a
ill
Pad
t
ber
Gil
and
el
nu
assigned Ma
on,
iti
ogn
rec
n
io
un
ed
nt
wa
ple
peo
e
Th
se.
hou
s
o’
Camach
was
in,
beg
you
en
wh
es
cas
st
mo
in
as
ue,
iss
l
rea
the
but
wages. They were promised $9 a thousand, but they were
of
st
Mo
es.
ros
ng
fti
gra
for
$7
and
50
$6.
g
tin
get
actually
m.
the
for
n
ai
rg
ba
to
ht
rig
the
us
ing
giv
ds
car
ned
sig
them
s,
ee
oy
pl
em
85
t
ou
ab
h
wit
y,
an
mp
co
t
ges
big
We chose the
a
d
hel
we
and
rs,
iso
erv
sup
and
s
tor
iga
irr
the
not counting
e.
vot
the
l
cal
and
ike
str
the
e
par
pre
to
gs
in
et
me
series of
ir
the
on
d
ge
ed
pl
ne
yo
er
ev
e;
lin
ket
pic
no
be
d
ul
wo
e
er
Th
so
in
l
bol
e
ol
wh
the
w
ro
th
to
she was kidding and told her
.
ike
str
the
ak
bre
to
not
r
no
ho
.
ng
hi
ig
that she had nothing but a sack of bolls at the we
10
out
t
sen
we
,
ike
str
the
of
g
in
rn
mo
t
firs
the
on
ly
Ear
my
l,
wel
d,
sai
I
s?”
thi
is
ck
sa
se
The man said, “Who
e
fiv
in
hts
lig
d
un
fo
We
s.
me
ho
’s
ple
peo
the
k
ec
ch
to
s
car
ap
cr
t
tha
all
at
k
oo
“L
ed.
fir
re
we
we
us
wife’s, and he told
e
wer
n
me
e
Th
rs.
doo
the
on
d
ke
oc
kn
and
s
me
ho
six
or
|
.
ng
hi
ug
la
d
te
ar
st
I
d
an
n
le
He
you brought in,” he said.
ey
Th
”
g?
in
go
you
are
re
he
“W
,
say
d
we’
and
up
g
tin
get
d
an
ed
rn
ea
d
ha
we
$4
the
ok
to
We
We were going anyway.
you
up,
g
tin
get
t
jus
was
I
.
.
.
uh
h,
“O
e,
dg
do
d
ul
wo
ay
aw
ng
vi
gi
re
we
y
the
e
er
wh
re
sto
y
spent it at a grocer
are
,
rk
wo
to
g
in
go
t
no
re
u’
yo
l,
el
“W
,
say
'd
We
.”
ow
kn
e
on
u
yo
e
giv
’d
ey
th
d
pe
op
sh
a $100 prize. Each time you
iv
dr
s
wa
o
wh
,
ta
er
Hu
s
re
lo
Do
no.
say
’d
ey
th
d
An
”
u?
yo
ve
ha
to
d
ha
u
yo
g:
fla
a
or
of the letters of M-O-N-E-Y
e
er
wh
e
us
ho
e
on
in
ht
lig
a
w
sa
k,
uc
tr
l
ne
pa
n
ee
gr
the
ing
col
y
ad
re
al
d
ha
n
le
He
.
win
to
g
fla
M-O-N-E-Y plus the
to
g
in
go
re
we
ey
th
her
ld
to
ey
Th
ed.
liv
rs
ke
or
-w
se
ro
ur
fo
y
the
,
ay
yw
An
g.
fla
the
ed
ed
ne
t
jus
d
" lected the letters an
So
.
ge
ed
pl
ir
the
of
em
th
ed
nd
mi
re
she
er
aft
en
ev
,
rk
wo
e
iev
bel
t
n’
do
I
g?
fla
“A
,
ed
am
re
sc
gave her the ticket. She
ed
rn
tu
,
ay
ew
iv
dr
ir
the
d
ke
oc
bl
it
so
k
uc
tr
the
d
ve
mo
e
sh
g
in
go
e
’r
we
ow
“N
d,
sai
e
Sh
0.
$10
it,” ran in and got the
e.
on
al
e
er
th
sat
d
an
e
rs
pu
her
in
it
t
pu
y,
ke
the
off
gas
the
y
pa
to
g
in
go
e
’r
we
no,
d
sai
I
to eat steak.”’ But
an
th
er
dd
ma
s
wa
n
ma
re
fo
y
an
mp
co
the
g
in
rn
mo
at
Th
d.
di
e
sh
k
in
th
I
t
bu
d,
ie
bill. I don’t know if she cr
d
ha
rs
te
af
gr
the
of
ne
No
us.
to
k
tal
to
d
se
fu
re
d
an
l
hel
ng
vi
ha
s
wa
n
le
He
s.
ar
ye
y
rl
ea
e
os
It was rough in th
mco
the
to
go
to
d
te
ar
st
we
0
:3
10
At
.
rk
wo
for
up
n
ow
sh
.
al
it
sp
ho
the
at
s
wa
she
en
wh
e
er
th
: babies and I was not
n
ma
wo
a
e
yb
ma
at
th
us
to
ed
rr
cu
oc
it
t
bu
,
ice
off
ny
pa
do
t
n’
ca
u
yo
u,
yo
nd
hi
be
fe
But if you haven’t got your wi
e
th
on
d
ke
oc
kn
s
re
lo
Do
So
.
ce
an
ch
er
tt
be
a
ve
ha
d
ul
wo
I
,
did
I
So
.
me
ho
at
e
ac
pe
be
to
many things. There’s got
Na
the
om
fr
ta
er
Hu
s
re
lo
Do
’m
“I
,
ng
yi
sa
,
or
do
ice
off
re
we
we
en
Wh
.
her
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zi
ni
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or
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jo
think, a fairly good
n
ma
the
”
t!
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”
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at
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rk
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rm
Fa
al
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’ kids, she lived in Delano an
exre
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gu
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“y
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n
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eg
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se
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ce
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d
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g
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s
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lo
Do
as
e
us
ca
be
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g
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ct
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er
th
ge
to
re
we
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ht.
fig
a
up
t
pu
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d
at a movie theater, an
t.
lef
e
Sh
e.
av
le
to
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d
tol
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ps
co
the
she
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st
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pac
a
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mo
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.
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ey
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es
dn
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On
e.
idl
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lds
fie
the
ys
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o
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r
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in
a
ll
Vi
ho
nc
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th
wi
l
ne
lo
co
a
s
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,
la
be
Fa
js. Her father,
ew
kn
o
wh
wn
to
of
t
ou
om
fr
s
no
pi
li
Fi
of
p
ou
gr
a
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ui
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re
d
an
y
gr
an
s
get
she
s
me
ti
me
So
.
on
ti
the Mexican Revolu
e
ov
dr
ey
Th
.
em
th
of
35
e
yb
ma
,
ike
str
the
of
g
in
th
no
em
th
th
wi
al
de
ld
ou
sh
u
yo
tells me, “These scabs —
in
e
on
s,
car
ol
tr
pa
f's
rif
she
e
re
th
by
ed
rt
co
es
h
ug
ro
th
t
tha
of
ch
mu
o
to
be
st
mu
sternly,” and I kid her, “It
We
g.
do
a
th
wi
r
rea
the
at
e
on
d
an
le
dd
mi
the
in
e
on
t,
on
fr
|
”
u.
yo
in
Fabela blood
come to our rescue, financially and in every other way,
and they spread the word to other benefactors.
didn’t have a picket line, but we parked across the street
. and just watched them go through, not saying a word. All
but seven stopped working after half an hour, and the
rest had quit by mid-afternoon.
The company made an offer the evening of the fourth
day, a package deal that amounted to a 120 per cent wage
E HAD
3 i
7
increase, but no contract. We wanted to hold out for a
we worked — Tony Orendain and I, Dolores and Gilbert,
Jim Drake and all the organizers — knocking on doors till
two in the morning, telling people, “You have to go back
or you'll lose your job.” And they did. They worked.
Our second strike, and our last before the big one at
Delano, was in the grapes at Martin’s Ranch last summer.
The people were getting a raw deal there, being pushed
around pretty badly. Gilbert went out to the field, climbed
to start a labor
school in November. It never happened, but
we have the best labor school we could ever
have, in the strike. The strike is onlya tem- .-.
spread out over a wide area, and we have to service them
when they have problems. We get letters from New Mex-
democratic union so we had to support what they wanted
had a problem with a few militants who wanted to hold
‘out. We had to convince them to go back to work, as a
united front, because otherwise they would be canned. So
before,
porary condition, however. We have over 3,000 members
contract and more benefits, but a majority of the roseworkers wanted to accept the offer and go back. We are a
to do. They had a meeting and voted to settle. Then we
PLANNED,
ico, Colorado, Texas, California, from farmworkers say-
ing, “We're getting together and we need an organizer.” It
kills you when you haven’t got the personnel and resources. You feel badly about not sending an organizer
because you look back and remember all the difficulty
you had in getting two or three people together, and here
they’re together. Of course, we’re training organizers,
many of them younger than I was when I started in CSO.
They can work 20 hours a day, sleep four and be ready to
_ hit it again; when you get to be 39 it’s a different story.
The people who took part in the strike and the march
have something more than their material interest going
for them. If it were only material, they wouldn’t have
stayed on the strike long enough to win. It is difficult to
explain. But it flows out in the ordinary things they say.
For instance, some of the younger guys are saying, “Where
do you think’s going to be the next strike?” I say, “Well,
we have to win in Delano.” They say, “We'll win, but
where do we go next?” I say, “Maybe most of us will be
working in the fields.” They say, “No, I don’t want to go
and work in the fields. I want to organize. There are a lot
of people that need our help.” So I say, “You’re going to
be pretty poor then, because when you strike you don’t
have much money.” They say they don’t care about that.
And others are saying, “I have friends who are working
in Texas. If we could only help them.” It is bigger, certainly, than just a strike. And if this spirit grows within
the farm labor movement, one day we can use the force
_ that we have to help correct a lot of things that are wrong
in this society. But that is for the future. Before you can
‘
on top of a car and took a strike vote. They voted unanimously to go out. Right away they started bringing in
or
lab
the
on
ack
att
gh
tou
a
ed
nch
lau
we
so
rs,
ake
bre
strike
contractors, distributed leaflets portraying them as really
low characters. We attacked one — Luis Campos — so
badly that he just gave up the job, and he took 27 of his.
men out with him. All he asked was that we distribute
another leaflet reinstating him in the community. And we
did. What was unusual was that the grower would talk to
us. The grower kept saying, “Ican’t pay. I just haven't
got the money.” I guess he must have found the money
somewhere, because we were asking $1.40 and we got it.
We had just finished the Martin strike when the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AFL-CIO)
started a strike against the grape growers, DiGiorgio,
Schenley liquors and small growers, asking $1.40 an
‘hour and 25 cents a box. There was a lot of pressure from
our members for us to join the strike, but we had some
.
walk
to
n
lear
to
have
you
tun,
this
like
ke
stri
big
a
for
misgivings. We didn’t feel ready
what
—
d
dhoo
chil
my
from
es
ori
mem
d
vivi
are
e
Ther
no
ing
Hav
e.
one, one that was sure to last a long tim
conthe
and
s
wage
low
of
use
beca
ugh
thro
go
to
had
we
~
e
hav
d
we’
nt
mea
_ money — just $87 in the strike fund —
se
suppo
I
union.
no
was
there
se
becau
lly
basica
s,
dition
to depend on God knows who.
a
e
settl
to
ng
tryi
I’m
that
say
d
coul
I
fair
be
to
ed
want
|
if
get
to
e
tim
es
tak
it
—
Eight days after the strike started
want
I
that
ng
sayi
by
it
e
atiz
dram
d
coul
I
e.
scor
onal
pers
d
hel
we
—
ley
Val
the
r
ove
all
1,200 people together from
that
is
h
trut
the
But
ers.
work
farm
to
ice
just
al
soci
g
brin
to
the
ed
ask
I
.
out
go
to
ed
a meeting in Delano and vot
we
If
did.
le
peop
of
lot
a
and
hell,
of
lot
h
a
oug
thr
—
went
I]
ept
acc
to
not
dge
ple
the
m
fro
membership to release us
are
we
then
ers
work
the
for
e
littl
a
e
scor
the
even
can
The
it.
of
lot
a
,
now
it
d
nee
d
outside money, because we’
I
work
r
othe
any
w
kno
t
don’
I
des,
Besi
g.
thin
some
g
doin
ld
wou
I
and
help came. It started’ because of the close,
.
know
you
t,
don’
y
reall
I
this.
than
er
bett
do
to
like
the
h
wit
had
ve
say even beautiful relationship that we’
ee a3
ee
~~
ee
eae
eee
Migrant Ministry for some years. They were the first to
OE
2
es
ee
ee
-
oe, meee
we
JUL
ABE F. LEVY
GEORGE
DEROY
LEO GEFFNER
JACK P. KOSZDIN
MERVIN N. GLOW
ARLEIGH WOODS
LAW
LEVY,
BARRY SATZMAN
GERALD J. TIERNAN
DEROY,
VICTOR VAN BOURG
1520
RICHARD J. CANTRELL
EUGENE
HENRY
LEVITON
WALTER
KLEIN
HARVEY
R. GERBER
VERNON GOLDSCHMID
ERNEST SROLOFF
GEORGE C. ALLEN
MARK ERIC PARKAN
GERALD
SUITE
BOURG
8O!1
WILSHIRE
TELEPHONE:
P. NELSON
& VAN
GEFFNER
ANGELES,
LOS
OFFICES
BOULEVARD
90017
CALIFORNIA
HUBBARD
3-9630
July 1, 1966
C. BENEZRA
Mr. Irving Bluestone
UAW, AFL-CIO
8000
East
Dear
Irving:
Detroit
Jefferson
14,
Michigan
Blvd.
I am pleased to enclose herewith a copy of the
Order Determining Order to Show Cause issued by Judge
Leonard M. Ginsburg of the Superior Court for the
County of Tulare.
This Order denies the Injunction
sought by the Di Giorgio Corporation.
I am sure that
you will agree with me that it is an extremely important precedent and establishes rights to picketing
in farm labor organization which can have broad
effects.
Very
ABE
AFL:ml1
Encl.
truly
te
F.
LEVY
yours,
op
Len
9 \Yo0
ee
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ONE KEARNY STREET ¢ SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA, 94108
(AREA CODE .415) 981-3901
July Us, 1966
The
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t
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o
t
,
However
—
.
y
l
e
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e
p
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r
,
2
1
d
n
a
7
y
l
u
J
n
o
m
e
h
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o
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e
d
i
v
o
r
p
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r
copies we
o
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e
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a
t
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e
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m
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R
d
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O
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m
e
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y
b
d
e
t
p
e
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c
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o
h
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d
n
a
,
d
e
all concern
f
o
e
t
a
t
S
e
h
t
f
o
d
o
o
g
y to the
of a situation
tinuation
:
contrar
be
Californias
confidential
e
r
a
d
e
h
c
a
t
t
a
e
h
t
f
that their copies o
understand
s
e
i
t
r
a
p
d
e
n
r
e
c
n
o
c
e
h
All of t
-
would
which
released
until publicly
by your office.
o
s
e
m
h
t
i
w
d
e
t
a
r
e
p
o
o
who c
s
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d
n
u
h
o
w
t
e
m
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s
e
h
t
d
n
a
u
o
y
I want to thank
o
t
e
l
b
i
s
s
o
p
n
e
e
b
e
v
a
h
t
o
n
d
l
u
o
w
t
I
.
g
n
i
d
n
i
f
t
c
a
f
y
m
f
o
e
s
r
u
o
c
e
h
t
g
n
i
r
u
d
fully
l
l
u
f
e
h
t
r
o
f
n
e
e
b
t
o
n
d
a
h
t
i
f
i
e
l
b
a
l
i
a
v
a
e
m
i
t
e
h
t
n
$
t
r
o
p
e
r
s
i
h
t
e
t
.
gomple
a
i
n
r
o
f
i
l
a
C
f
o
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a
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e
m
t
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a
p
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R
l
a
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t
s
u
d
n
I
e
h
t
n
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l
p
o
e
p
f
o
t
suppor
e
h
t
r
o
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o
c
s
i
c
n
a
r
F
n
a
S
f
o
l
e
g
a
K
m
a
S
.
r
M
o
t
e
u
d
s
i
s
k
n
a
h
t
In closing, special
s
i
h
r
o
f
d
n
a
,
e
l
b
a
l
i
a
v
a
e
m
i
t
s
i
h
e
d
a
m
s
a
h
e
h
h
c
i
h
w
n
i
y
a
public spirited w
final re=for the
arbitrators
of the
as one
e
v
r
e
s
o
t
g
n
i
e
e
r
g
generosity in a
e
m
e
l
b
o
r
p
e
th
of
n
o
i
t
u
_ sol
yours,
Sincerely
e
b
l
g
v
o
M
it;
anal
ec:
Peter
Andrade
—
Cesar Chavez
,
s
r
o
n
n
o
C
e
D
d
l
a
n
o
D
o
i
g
r
o
i
G
i
D
t
r
e
b
o
R
Alex Hoffman
Larry Itliong
Einar Mohn
Donald B. Straus
Victor Van Bourg
Jie
. Enclosures
| RWHsovg
HEADQUARTERS
140
WEST
51st
STREET,
REGIONAL
nas BOSTON,
MIAMI
@
| TTE 3 »°
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NEW
YORK
;
CHICAGO
| NATI
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PHILADELPHIA.
Ronald We Haughton
Kircher
William
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YORK,
N. Y.
OFFICES
IN
NEW
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face-to-face
effort
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members
undertaken.
some
with
Springs,
200
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can
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employees
By all normal measures
of
fact
finding
ALL
oe
and
at, this
of
Un
Recommendations
Lik
rrow
io
areas
of
parties
on July
disagreement
were
be
and
to
:
have
been.
%
GTN
:
of the
members
ae secis.
government
and State
time span has been
short.
and of citizens,
ie.
superfluous.
The
concerned
the
with
a preliminary
serve aS
unions,
any additional
|
in depth
a basis for
er
ber
niee
whol
|
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a
a Report
:
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discussions
.
{
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But because
of
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draft
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officials.
:
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Sathoiie.
of this document was
purpose
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San
San franclscc.
furnished
.7, 1966.
there
that
°
areas,
and
cltizens
the
;
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Delano, Burlingame,
s,
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pa
e
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of
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of the
point would
unions,
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Angeles,
Di
;
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4
Los
all of
ae
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for
immediate
an!
A
7
Sacramento,
in
persons
s
and representativeof
Ministry, private
of the
Report
now
:
;
relations.
to the people
»
.
Wit,
that,
Le
agriculture.
of the matter
he reserred
|
and to the concerned
-
rank-andfile
Protestant
Aetiak
was
Borrego
_ These’ include
corporation,
.
meetings
Julian,
Diego,
and
to Di Giorgio,
employees,
to the
the importance
of
whicn
i)
a set of guidelines
to receive
in
elections
of representation
Because
|
ny
oy
i
i. Guo
ra
’
¥
State or Notional Laver
" he would like
law covering farm workers
holding
of
)
ae
there be.
that
Governor stated
the
Maly.
problem.
:
CORE
representation
asked
matter,
of this
resolution
'
y
fot represenbation’ at
Governor
Th.e
Properties
é
|.
4
Bi
Ca
charges that
certain
of the farm workers
the wishes
Springs and
bo
Brown,
eee
the recent
to study
Corperation and
UL Giorgio
accurately reflect
the Borrego
| the
eect
A
eg
ao
.
(.
Edmund
ye
Sena
rey
by the Governor was
by the
held
om
ne
ie
Te
ie
:
-
Honorable
of the
request
California.
of
State
the
of
The request
4o as
ieee
er
ee
en
not
es
¢
:
e
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at the
Association
‘Arbitration
cieetion
e
i
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ic
er
Am
e
th
by
d
te
na
mi
no
s
wa
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ig
rs
de
un
the
On June 30, 1966,
he a
a
ae
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Re Mea
OR
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en
fi
{
3
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es
,
Covernor
:
4
Oi
RECOMMENDATIONS
REPORT AND
F
;
et
i
a
PO
ae
BOPREGO SPRINGS AND DSLANO,
CALIFORNIA PROPERTIES, ET AL
:
ny
begs
‘
i
a
t
s
THE DI GIORGIG CORPORATION,
2
4
*
ica
%
;
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eu
ASSOCIATION, ADMINISTRATOR
|
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ARBITRATION
of
Matter
the
In
1.
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s
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fitercent erro eovao Wahl: ecadrimerrmreenerertriter rection: dhmeetiemoritremeti ih mintetrer tert.
4
f
with
each party separately.
Finally, at a joint meeting
of the
auspices
the
under
election
of an
scheduling
the
Ae matters
among other
I am racommending
2h, 1966.
of June
election
the
endorsing
nor
condemning
I am neither
doubt
by any
there
Lest
thereto.
leading
and to precise procedures
solutions
to
but
"who=shot-John"
or to
happened,
ne
attention will be directed not to what
requested,
total problem as
of the
resolution
equitable
and
a fair
accomplishing
of
interest
In the
6.
ae
which
1966.
14,
on July
eenk to the Governor
fe
dave, “euch
document would be the basis of a final Report and Recommendations
would be
that,!),
aud eas
ae
on that
be made
to
of exceptions
to consideration
subject
1966,
12,
July
and
document
a second draft
with
furnished
was
party
in the offices
San Francisco, on
Association,
of the American Arbitration
each
e
tities
a er netennsee easel
Se
}
American
Arbitration Association.
be
establish
of all?
rights
the
n
consideratioof
and
fair play
of
climate
the
ee
to
is required
of such Recommendations
acceptance
Prompt
below.
forth
8:
seth!
are
other matters
and
election
as to the
My Recommendations
7s
~
of
California
to
respond
must
For
the
accept
the
purpose
' without
Upon
Sc.
;
thereof
‘letter
and
with
and
there
and
themselves
of
acceptance
of
the
is
subsequently
or that there
will
be made
in an appropriate
with
the
is
charge
boycott
respect
agree
is
a part
only
accept
to
strike
such
shall. be
shall
there
activities,
required.
of the
case a cease and
parties hereby
or not at all.
entirety
or boycott
Company
charge,
desist
oe
to
to
carry
is
a
out
the
acceptance,
activities
are
cooperate fully,
by Messrs.
a,
Haughton
and el
Kag
which
in an appropriate
re
be
notice.
public
order will be issued,
enforceable
contract.—
forthwith
If there
ee oo
as an order finding a breach of
and
Company. cooperation
that
a failure
~”
accepting
of the
and Di Giorgio.
Union
elect to
|
the
Association,
in their
Recommendations
Recommendations
a
rejection
as
Failure
1966.
19,
to the whole.
undersigned.
the
to
Governor
of the
Teamsters
the
cannot
they
strike and
current
a copy
spirit
continuing,
finding
proceeding
of this
of all
termination
regarded
of the Recommendations
terms
committing
July
Committee,
Organizing
Workers
Agricultural
Tuesday,
Farm Workers
National
the
Thus,
” Recommendations.
office
be
will
date
this
or before
on
than
later
not
telegram
by
to the
should be provided
herein
Recommendations
of the
parties
concerned
the
by
rejection
or
Acceptance
concerned.
the
court:
a joints tatement
undersigned after
Repport
There
consultation with the
parties:
Di
Giorgio
to
scheduled
under
Association
on August
30,
determine
Depending
on
ig
Bligible
OE
at
at
circumstances,
and subject
necessary
.
a
MG
the .
‘i
Borrago
fres
“ey
+e ND
* rs
other
to
Vista
Ranch
sites
property,
in order also
a representation
decision
by
polls open
choice
m
Sierra
appropriate
Springs,
to keep the
-
at the
of the American—
election.
‘
:
an
.
PCC
ante
and
an additi onal day.
oy secret ballot,
~~
i
oS
without, restraint, :
ote
¥
7
.
we%
4
“2
‘
“~
t
3
or
ore
before
the
election
and
during
such
8 ee
election,
as
eee
interference,
ee
>
cine aly
ithe tate
Since epee
in Delano, and
employees will express
*
by
iSuioh Howie shall be
the administration
1966,
representation
Haughton
it may be
drafted
party
|
shall be
Corporation,
be
each
ale
“Arbitration
Recommendations
of such acceptance, which will
posted on the properties.©
LO.
and
—
sign
of this
arena
must
is edits
etn each
if there
<
2
Administrator,
in
Totals
were
cast
Lee
at
the
election.
are
similarly
dies
provided
15.
:
of the
occur
the
to
Such
names
a list
supplied
shall
of
five days
representation
to the
election shall
may
call
be counted
upon
as if they
of receiving
the
of phege
and at
names
properties
concerned unions
from
within
payroll
eligible
14 days
the
dates
of
—
to vote
of the
date
new hires
hire.
Sample Official Secret
Ballots,
will
Recommendations.
continuing
jurisdiction
over the
circumstances relating thereto
the
and
records
and addresses of
of
during
employees.
of employees
supplied
24 hours
and
corporate
undersigned
The
within
to
to the
addresses
will retain
election
supply
to be
election and
access
eligible
the
and
is
of Election
The unders signed
purpose.
Company
records,
be
wel it
election.
have
and Recommendations.
within
prior
in the
shall
representative
The Notice
eRe
tn soe
pe
Report
the
agencies
Association,
geographic unit.
Giorgio
personnel
of this
a
Di
of
in order to meet with
designated
the
cast
representatives
hours
The
and/or
cin
of all votes
Union
Loe
administration
a single
non-working
to
the
supervise ‘such other
The
ted
bdo
it
representative.
d0
atioS
assist
will
bargaining
time
of such
Shee
conduct
as they may
wees
‘for
‘
complaints
he shall
designate
a resident
%.,
to be assigned’ to ‘Delano until and. sneluding August: 30, 1966.
ee
a
‘Le
a
representative
aoe
bes
ees
to
the
of a collective
ee
ee
as.
the.” . preferences
~
ee
to
BRD
Ui 16.
Complaints
will
be answered
Na,
ye
and
will
a part
be
conducted,
at
of the
this
or any
18.
the
oe
binding
19.
..
oy
For
name
as
shall
there
be
shall
be
| Bes to
0
that
Such
shall
have
cast
relating
These
ballots
shall
White:
off
Green:*
is
of the
and
Thereafter
matter
of whether
polling
ina
aie:
such
==
shall
union .
places
during
precedent
for —
otherwise
envelope
Haughton
and
shall
be
have
the
right
to hireand
hiring
and
firing
or
en
Kagel,
a final
;
and
not.
fire
employees
ineligible
bargaining
to
unit.
vote
and
Similarly
employees.
on ballots
which
ge
give
to
employees
and the Union,
a choice
if any,
te
:
consist
b.
:
:
of ‘all field workers
operations except
will
make
counted
collective
clerical
shall
are
individual
separate
vote
by.
or not
election
employee,
the
conducted
unit
:
employee
without
challenged
placed
be
be as follows:
The
Fury
to appoint.two'
or non
or terminated
a vote
resulting
with field
right
of Supervision
challenge,
The unit will
.
aig
orderly
the
such
who
to be represented
Leumit
Tats
Mr. Kagel.
and
to
office
be
ah.
obsefor
rv
Com
opan
ry
sor Union
shall
vote
any
?
3
ty
an observor.
thereon.
from
id
greed ae thea
and
a fair
vote if they wish to be represented by a Union,
they wish
The
assure
a laid
to
ete Cie
eietabele
j
representative
Haughton
section,
recommend
shall
by Mr.
of this
as
te
ee
a
purposes
excluded
Voting
witePeetire
the
employees
excluded
AA
to the resident
on a ballot
to whether
effectively
sod
BA
ead
aay
proximity
evidence
decision
ee
in the
entered
Supervisory
to
Vin pitas
te
permitted
or her
his
ge
tae
be
desiring
but
hearing
tal
bad
No member
may be designated
voters
after
party
other ‘proceedings,
vote,
es
to
eapeere ee
shall
If a person
shall
$e
directed
procedure
each
hours.
‘eligible,
fe wkide
each election site.
representative
election
cent
:
questions
Non-Supervisory
be
TEM
‘
;
;
or decided promptly
As
observors
pos
;
consist
of all
employees
:
directly
|
'
connected
|
truck drivers.
other
working
employees
except
in a shed at the
field
workers.
eligibility
time for the proposed election are to be counted as in the "Green" unit or in
the "White" unit is a subject on which the undersigned lacks precise evidence.
Therefore, in the event this Report and Recommendations is accepted the matter
referenceed to in this footnote can, in the absence of agreement, be referred
, by any accepting party for the taking of evidence, if necessary, and prompt
and final binding decision by Messrs. Kagel and Haughton.
If there is disagreement
on the subject discussed in this footnote any one of the concerned parties may
, direct a formal request to the undersigned that it be arbitrated.
This is notice.
te the parties that if there is a request for arbitration before Messrs. Kagel
- and Haughton on the matter referred to in this footnote, the arbitration proceeding
will be at the offices of the American Arbitration Association,
San Francisco, at
6, 1966. |
eneye
(9:30 A.M., Sees
{
¢
2
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85
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ip
3
‘, *
fos
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tinoy
ebay
CB eh
oo ?
78
»
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mh.
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Meas
»
et
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Ve
‘a>
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.
ing*
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:
5
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ES
+ oy
Asan,
s
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Fgh
‘
‘
at
.
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a
”*
“hg
‘
‘
twe
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i3}.
ae
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t
>,
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LRP
ror
oe
ee
ek
Se
‘
© cr
harlem ys
}
|
t he
{ aia
a
t
}
ascith
4
sh
5
‘
.
b
Fe
ds
i3
f-
a
$
a‘:
5
2
iy
é
¥
-
:
a.
If one union wins both
b.
If
3
then will be a bargaining agent only for those
unit for which @ union has won a majority.
+o 2G,
Any
eligible
19,
1965,
Sepeember
i
eptember
20, was or is on the payroll
to August
30,
1966,
Any
employee
shall
1966,
who was
June
days
prior
Because
at
tian ti
ag ilae tihdgnitomeilas
strike
Delano on
day thereafter
the
Ballot.
be
have the
September
20,
document
shall be
to
prior
"Yes"
as
counted
for 5 working —
who
employees
September
20,
went
on.
cards with
on September
for the NIWA
votes
after
employee
signed authorization
ands
23
vote.
right to
circumstances,
particular
of June
as
Springs
Springs
at Borrego
payroll
shall
1966,
prior
20,
or
on the White
\
Otherwise
eligible
or thereafter,
24,
dune
of the
comparable
or a
NFWA
the
30,
to August
Borrego
at
Similarly any eligible
or is on the
property,
to vote.
payroll
on the
was
to votes
have the right
1966,
23;
who
that
for 15 working days
at Delano
right
the
shall have
of
as
“tho after
employee
sligibie
any
Similarly
to vote.
|
strike at
the
of
start
the
‘A
é
be any, union
Delano
at
payroll,
the
on
was
who
preceding
day
the
right
the
have
shall
employee
in the
workers
not
If "no union" wins both units then ‘there will
designated as a collective bargaining agency.
d.
there
other,
the
"no union” wins
one unit and
CG. If a union wins
representative,
bargaini ng
a different
each with
units,
be two different
will
then
there
unions win
one combined
unit will be
cake ‘the
unit.
different
vote,
nohawton?
s
for
a place
with
together
ballot
each
on
vlaced
be
will
Recommendations
accepting thesa
of each union
name
The
%,)
i
a
fh
and who
the same opportunity
given
at Borrego
who were
employees
subsequently
to vote as
transferred
were
eligible
is given
as
Springs
of
to Arvin, shail
at Borrego
employees
Springs
and Delano.
‘\
:”
XA
.*
yr
t
>
v
,
at
Ts
i
Fe
tn
Ds i
Wo 3
‘
my
:
tae
wif
yt
‘
‘
ae
s
:
5 be
”
~
}
;
P)
ND
{
sta,
emer
cf
}
:
|
+
;
'
i
t
}
5
in a appropriate ecllertive
selected
is a union
there
In the event
ake
'
c
ee
‘
;
;
bargaining
unit,
neg gotiations
shall comnence imuediately,
\
{t
}
a
i
common
ensure
|
'
'
expiration
stable
date
collective
for the
first
bargaining
Agr eanent
:
for a peri od of 45 days after.
certified::,
tw iolantioha wee
Ie
a
unders
by. the
the date of certifications
}
to"
and will continue
i
j
'
ee
contre act is a "mustthin
collective bargaining relationships at
the
order
to-
end of ‘the 4 day
‘
:
period.
i
}'
'
}
Unless
differences
‘
i
the
shall
time
be
is
extended
submitted
by mutual
to ‘final
and
agreement,
all reuaining
binding arbitration
before
Mr.
'
San
Kagel of
of the
“a
iS
RE
‘
and Mir. Ronald
without
a
:
which
obtaining
anotnuer
eiection
ee
ue
Beet
not
mighb
& union
Reese
ae
eae
owe
that
saying
irom
barred
er a
ek
ee
ae
Haughton
of
Detroit.
The
Award:
It.
to the date of certification.
arbitrators s shall be retroactive
a
goes
San Francisco,
one year
tor the
a of
lig
OE
aka
in
successful
be
CusS
eS ete em
cau Gu eas
os
idvlnne
AN
parlor
election
the
er
OU aR
¢
'
i
kel covered in ndustry
by
the
NIB ,
and iLs
barred. in
also
accordance with
rae
{
‘
este ablished
or
out
22.
i
engaging
an
Labor
in similar
}
t
‘
Law
activity designed
economic
"It
that this Report
is hoped
situations
and
its
\
|
Prov
year
to, force
boycotting
recognition
with-
Recommendations
will
provide
arise.
as they
Dated this Uth day of July, 1966.
}
one
of
perdod
a like
for
election.
a guide for future
'
Relat tions
>
;
'
'
}
{’
;
}
{
;
{’
:
}
submitted,
fs
;
,
}
t
i
;
t
Ronald Ww.
|
}
j
Paghisa
Reval
i
.
merican
ee
Haaughton
Arbitration
t
eee
Association
|
One Kearny Street
San Francisco, California
|
.-
abatege anne incite
Respectfully
’
ox
{
4 466dD =i eahin
!,
ee
{
i
“Vit
s
ey
{
f
t
he
t
etee
ot tnit
ot
'
JUL 29 1966
TO:
Walter
FROM:
We
Paul
won
another
Reuther
Schrade
skirmish
in
Delano.
Communism Caled
‘Dead Issuein’
; BY HARRY ~tee
'
‘Times Labor Editor
Hinecter of the United Au-~
iD
the farm labor dispute.
ql
‘Union
representatives had
|
ter in recent years.
- by Gov. Brown.
area,
men
fur-.
who.
and
“many
verbal battle was expected.
Lima,
however,
was. allowed
effort to label a bona
effort of farm workers
~ \.
eet
fide «
to—
secure economic justice as |
i
some
plot. m
sort
of
‘Communist.
said: he.
then
Lima
|
r
he
rt
fu
er
sw
an
t
no
d
l
wou
questions
,«
protection
Amendment.
cused.
aes
under
He
the>
of the 5th|
jie
was
elit tee
en
ge
|
e
ud
cr
a
in
g
in
ar
he
is
th
in
py ace
Communist
I
ee
Party
eX |
Pp
4
©
who
refuses their re-.
- tation, but there is no legal
r’
fo
d
he
is
bl
ta
es
y
r
e
n
i
h
c
a
--m
holding an election: to de-"
termine the wishes of the 4
~ majority.
I
*
state . Conciliation chief.
Tom Nicolopulos said his.
~ agency «has "been* com-'!
pletely. ineffectual" in.)
larm
fa
e
at
di
me
“trying to
bor disputes because of
a
lack of legislation povertiet
ing such disputes.
Albert
B.
Tieburg, :
director of the State De-.
~ partment of Employment, .
- outlined
procedures
for
determining when a labor —
- dispute exists, but said |
- that consideration must be :
given to a system of "col- ;
~ Yective bargaining rights |
for farm workers as a sub-.
stitute
for the law
of the|
ieamenesatiteneeeanentetsatitetpnese
ean
_.atiinapeasih
Di Giorgio
Corp.
.
that
has-
2
workers
. tions to be held Aug. 30.
- quest Tor group represen-
ee
tee
to
=
Charged
charged
of the.
-in anticipation
» union representation elec- |i
“want a union can strike if
a grower
the
Agricultural.
: laid of 192 NF WA
other |
workers
Farm
to ¥
of this committhe
involve
¢
legisla-
presented by a union.
RR
"the, effort
Layoffs
Chavez
or not they want to be re-
a
de-
. mittee.
areas
votes
all»
Organizing Com-.,
Workers
take on whether.
- workers
<n
nounced
then
Tuesday and
the
* govern
- CIO
AFL
a
_ tion excludes farm workers from the. laws which
that
- strike called last Septem-*
ber by the National Farm \
and the ®
Assn.
Workers
representa-
urban
however, »
employers have now left
their organization.
The
association has.
been bitterly fighting the:
year, with. }
federal
Present
denied. ever having been in Delano
to
told the senators
~~ who will not be sympathe- »
tic to some of the attitudes ©
growers have had in the%
past," Sturgeon said.
make a-statement in which he flatly©
prior
more
from
tives
ten-
and
next
Fetalvero,
“ley
"We will have a new Le-3
gislature
spokesmen,
. William Mookini and Shir- -
Legislature
New
ticle in its June issue alleging that
the grape strike in Delano has been.
-"made'a magnet for all revolutionary types, varying from the 'perennially gullible’ like Steve Allen to theprofessional Communists like...
Lima."
Copies’ of the article fad been dis- |
Delano
Association
bit-.
which have been promised:
tion "American Opinion," had an ar-.
in the
in
recommendations
on
-act
sions began to rise in anticipation of
Lima's appearance.
©
~ The John Birch Society publica-
tributed
» Farm Workers Assn.—is —
an organization which is
_ "financed in whole or in
" by employers.
* part.
too, believes the state will.
‘al Farm Workers Assn., had charged.
session,
ly
_lieves such legislation will ©
ta
| be passed next year.
And, Sturgeon said he,’
Hinted
morning
He said the sroup—the | !
/ Kern-Tularé Independent
ident pro tem, said he be-:
of
|
organization.
State Sen. Hugh M..
Burns (D-Fresno), pres-
Cesar Chavez, head of the N ation!
the
increasingly
. growing
4
- to the status of an employe
volving grape growers in the Delano area, but their =
_ overall purpose ‘will be to.
develop legislation for
solving the farm labor dis- ©
that have been
putes
mittee on Agriculture since a key
witness subpoenaed was Albert. J.
‘Lima of San Francisco, west. coast
‘director of the Communist Party of.
Northern California.
During
|
be devoted primarily tothe prolonged dispute in-.
hearings called by the Senate Com-
that the committee, in ordering
like Lima to appear, might have
nished ammunition for those
| wish to indulge in "red baiting"
-"union busting. :
involved in the grape dis- |
' pute is not legally entitled
farm labor dispute here.
The hearings here will:
pected the Communist issue to be a.
'Red Baiting'
commit-
oath and that Communism®
was not an issue in the.
ex-.
critical factor in the three days
the
|
* contending that one group
tee, flatly stated he accept-..
ed Lima's testimony under })
+ DELANO
— ecu
San.
_ issue in the Delano area grape strike *
-Is dead," the Republican chairmah ®t
of a State Senate. committee said.
| here Tuesday.
- Sen. Vernon L. Sturgeon. Girsan® :
Luis Obispo) made the statement at
the conclusion at the first day of
first California law to regulate farm
labor disputes.
of
chairman
‘
\
‘hearings which appear almost certain to lead to the passage of the -
Arywitz.
sioner Sigmund
. Surprised “the hearing by |
It was at this point that 4
the Republican senator,
Poin
aN
ome
"
in.
issue
an
rCommunism
.
» jungle that now exists."
State Labor Commis-
to Workers, said he regret-._
ted any attempt to make ©
sen tins
Delano Dispute
regional -
“Paul Schrade,
Di Giorgio officials em-_ |
~ phatically deny they have .
-'
mem-
NFWA
laid off any
bers in an attempt to "rig"
the new election, saying
that layoffs at this season.
are
normal
weeks.
The
agreed
tions
for
about
company
at
to hold
its
new
Delano
two
has
elec-..
and.:
Borrego Springs ranches .
.in line with recommenda- :
tions made by Ronald W.
- Horton, who recently com- ;
- pleted an investigation of
'a prior election at the request of Gov. Brown. ..
The
Teamsters
Union
won the first election held
June 24, but Di Giorgio
‘agreed
to the new vote af-,
"ter NFWA
_ gularities.
charges of irre,
rey
1
tig
~
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Resolutions Committee Resolutions
STRIKE
GRAPE
DELANO
BD
¥,
Farm workers, and especially those employed on the huge corporation
farms that are run like factories in the fields, stand today where the UAW
stood thirty years ago, before the Wagner Act had established labor’s legal
right to union recognition and collective bargaining, and before the militance and solidarity of our members in the sitdown strikes and on countless
picket lines had driven home to our employers the fact that UAW was here
to stay and to be reckoned with.
For farm workers today there is still no legislation which insures their
benefits, no pension, no paid holidays, no vacations, and no supplemental
unemployment benefits. Many
benefits at all. Low wages and
degrading poverty throughout
percent of farm workers earned
annual income was $1,378 for
Today,
however,
are not eligible for any unemployment
insecurity of employment condemn them to
their lives. In California, for example, 84
less than $3,000 last year, and the average
134 days of work during the year.
these workers
are beginning to organize
and to win
won their first union victories.
These grape workers, represented by the AFL-CIO Agricultural Workers
Organizing
Committee
(AWOC)
and
the
independent
National
Farm
Workers Association (NFWA) have for the first time effectively organized. With the help of union, church, civil-rights and student groups they
donated food and clothing to the strikers and hundreds of our members
regularly march in the picket line. In addition, the UAW cooperated effec-
con
it
n
whe
tee
mit
com
Sub
or
Lab
ory
rat
Mig
ate
Sen
S.
U.
the
h
wit
ly
tive
ducted hearings in California which exposed _the copra
working and
living conditions of farm workers in this area.
The visit of President Walter P. Reuther to Delano on nibs
16th
not only helped strengthen the strike but made the grape strike in Delano
e
thes
of
s
ion
dit
con
ng
livi
and
g
kin
wor
ul
mef
sha
the
that
so
e
issu
al
ion
a nat
workers are being exposed to the American people.
Despite the power of the growers, the exclusion from first class citizenthe
,
ans
ric
Ame
ow
fell
y
man
too
by
on
acti
and
n
cer
con
of
lack
the
and
ship
grape strikers are carrying on a courageous struggle for freedom, justice
and equality.
of
oz
,
hts
rig
l
civi
on,
uni
of
ce
ien
all
the
is
nts
eme
iev
ach
us
do
en
em
tr
the
One of
m
far
p
hel
to
ike
str
s
thi
in
er
eth
tog
g
kin
wor
ups
church and student gro
win
to
ty
uni
ort
opp
new
a
e
hav
s
ker
wor
rm
Fa
s.
lve
mse
workers to help the
for
win
to
e
abl
be
to
and
s
ion
dit
con
g
kin
wor
ent
dec
and
s
ome
living inc
thbir
’s
son
per
ry
eve
is
ch
whi
y
nit
dig
and
ect
esp
f-r
sel
of
se
sen
a
s
lve
themse
rignt.
imthe
ond
bey
far
nce
ica
nif
sig
has
s
ker
wor
pe
gra
se
the
This strike by
s
ker
wor
ral
ltu
icu
agr
t
tha
tes
tra
ons
dem
it
e
aus
bec
,
ano
Del
mediate area of
and
on
iti
ogn
rec
on
uni
win
to
ly
ive
ect
eff
ze
ani
org
can
can be mobilized and
licu
agr
ed
eat
-tr
ill
id,
-pa
ill
of
nds
usa
tho
to
e
hop
because it provides new
tural workers in California and across the nation.
ll
sma
a
but
de
ma
ve
ha
rs
ike
str
pe
gra
the
t
tha
nd
ta
Yet, we must unders
n
tha
re
Mo
ad.
ahe
le
ugg
str
ult
fic
dif
g
lon
ir
the
in
p
beginning and need hel
OC
AW
the
by
uck
str
re
we
s
rd
ya
ne
vi
of
es
acr
00
,0
30 growers with 30
g
in
iz
gn
co
re
t
en
em
re
ag
an
ned
sig
s,
ey’
enl
Sch
se,
the
of
e
and NFWA. On
of
ult
res
a
as
s
er
rk
wo
ld
fie
its
for
nt
age
ng
ni
ai
rg
ba
NFWA as exclusive
ian
ist
Chr
d.
ne
ai
rg
ba
y
ead
alr
it
h
ic
wh
h
wit
ns
io
un
O
CI
pressure from AFLa
for
ay
rw
de
un
l
stil
are
ons
ati
oti
Neg
e.
sam
the
e
Brothers has since don
o
gi
or
Ge
Di
,
wer
gro
pe
gra
t
ges
lar
the
h
wit
ent
eem
third recognition agr
Brothers.
by
distributed
and
grown
products
against
boycott
consumers
A national
and
bol
sym
the
o
als
but
s
wer
gro
the
of
t
ges
big
the
y
onl
not
DiGiorgio,
the
by
ed
lar
dec
n
bee
has
,
ion
zat
ani
org
s’
ker
wor
to
e
anc
ist
leader of res
LAF
all
t
tha
es
urg
and
t
cot
boy
s
thi
ts
por
sup
ly
ful
O
CI
NFWA. The AFLns
sig
and
es
lat
itu
cap
gio
ior
DiG
il
unt
t
por
sup
full
ir
the
CIO affiliates give it
an agreement with the NFWA. Now, therefore, be it
RESOLVED:
mends the Delano
That this UAW
3
20th Constitutional Convention com-
grape workers for their historic strike which
strates beyond the shadow of doubt
ganize themselves, and be it
That
FURTHER RESOLVED:
ously the consumer boycott against
and that this grower recognize the
for its field workers, and be it
demon-
that farm workers can effectively or-
the UAW will join in pressing vigorDiGiorgio Food Products to the end
NFWA as exclusive bargaining agent
the
in
age
eng
vely
acti
will
W
UA
the
t
Tha
:
ED
LV
SO
RE
Y
LL
NA
FI
effort to enact state and federal legislation which will bring these workers
laws
r
othe
and
Act
ons
ati
Rel
or
Lab
al
ion
Nat
the
of
n
tio
tec
pro
the
under
rdaffo
and
vely
ecti
coll
n
gai
bar
and
ze
ani
org
to
t
righ
the
m
the
ing
tee
guaran
ing them full coverage under Social Security, workman’s compensation,
minimum wage and unemployment insurance and assisting them to obtain
decent housing, adequate schooling, adequate medical care and living
incomes.
3
*
*
oe ¢ EP 99 1966
Pact With Grower.
eamster
AFL-CIO
eae
BY HARRY BERNSTEIN
Times
Labor
Editor
| sters "not only signed a back door q
—
|
ly
ive
act
but
y,
pan
com
the
h
wit
zal
ani
dea
org
r
ove
in
aga
ed
lid
col
Union
tion of farm workers Monday after a. helped recruit strike breakers and | —
used a Teamster bus to do that."
major grower in the Delano area
The AFL-CIO
and the Teamsters.
Fred’ Perelli-Minetti, a company |
signed a union contract with the
Teamsters.
The contract was denounced by.
Cesar Chavez as a “back door" deal.
Chavez is head of the AFL-CIO.
United Farm Workers Organizing
Committee’ which called a strike’
Sept. 8 against the grower—the |
|
Perelli-Minetti & Sons vineyards.
All 48 workers employed by Perel-
owner, said the Teamsters presented |
evidence that the majority of the F
firm's field workers wanted to be re- |
presented by the Teamsters Union.
‘Effective 3% Years.
He said the pact will be in effect 4
|
for 314 years, but that details of its
li-Minetti at the time ofsthe strike
later, |
be announced
would
terms
possibly by today.
4
|
}in on a bus, but I don't |
walked off their jobs, according to a *- The company officer would not
ega
all
O
-CI
AFL
the
on
t
men
com
|.
of,
nt
rtme
Depa
State
report by the
tions, saying only that "my workers
| Employment.
Chavez charged that. the _
did come
. know
in a move to
_ gain recognition of their AFL-CIO
|
Pickets included Richmond May-
The
|:
who marched outside Adams Junior High School, The strikers are
| tion of Teachers Local 866.
Federa-
/ ers in Contra Costa County's Rich; mond Unified School District... —
officials
said
"attendance
,
d
i
a
s
y
e
h
t
,
t
u
B
"
.
y
l
t
h
g
i
l
was down s
no schools were closed.
The teachers' union is demanding
| a representational election to deter-
‘putes in which we were in-
+, forced
AFL-CIO
|
strike
|
workers
to call
a_
or
is
~ recognize our union."
ae es
|
Another
er facilities of the Di Giorhave signed the contract." — gio Corp.
When the union headed
Chavez said the AFL- |
CIO began discussing re- | by Chavez signed a conpresentation with the firm . tract with Schenley Industries, Inc., without a repreSept. 8, and held a series
sentation election, the
of meetings and conversations which were "very “move ‘was denounced by
friendly but not decisive." _ Di Giorgio and many othnot
or we would
satisfied
"Workers at the compa- - ers as unfair, but no other
union challenged the reny have been members of
sults of the echenley conour union for a long time
‘4 —
ah
to
up
cases
‘1 some
a
and
several months
years — but
we
did
in
tract.
not
sh
8 because
aa i
a
mm
a
wnt
cu
of
Pe
acai
other
Sa
ai
a ir AMO
i
aes
growers
tween
want to call a strike until
4 Sept.
fis
—
}
|
|
|
’
s
i
h
t
"
d
e
t
c
i
d
e
r
p
Chavez.
|
e
b
l
a
e
d
r
o
o
d
type of back
four
will
Teamsters
OER
OE.
sR
TT Ee
Te
ne
er
ET
we He
MEME eT
ES
he
Pn
NCR
the |
and
continue
eT TT
ary
RT
SY
Eee
eee
EUR
ir
San
pwr
|
when the grower will not |
sador
Ambas
and
s
cellar
worlers) has been reevalu- »
es."
brandi
and
wines
.
hot
at
ated, and obviously we are ' election is due soon
for field workers.
aE
granted recently. The money should
have been spent on smaller classes
for
and _ building improvements
schools, the union says... °°’
The walkout is the second to hit
the district in a week. Local 1675 of
the State, County and Municipal
Employes Union, which. represents
300; janitors. and maintenance , empicyes, struck, earlier.
dis-
other
and
contracts
organizes
the
—
tion
elec
ted
tes
con
erly
bitt
.
m,
e
mediately against proion to represent th
§ Grami said.
California
of the
at the Di Giorgio Corp.'s — ducts
‘Wine
Assn.,
in
which
Pe’
last
rds
eya
vin
area
ang
Del
_ Perelli-Minetti said, My
majora
owns
i
Minett
relliAFL
the
ch
whi
in
th
mon
s
thi
on
ng
ki
in
th
e
ol
| wh
11
ing
includ
st,
intere
ity
ts
righ
ng
aini
barg
won
CIO
rm
fa
for
ns
io
un
(of
t
ec
bj
su
if it may, bargain. collectively
| with the school board..
It also is protesting a 2% pay raise
FARM UNIONS *<<<*
whenever
4
' volved," Chavez said.
He said a "nationwide
|
a
ght
fou
ons
uni
two
e
‘Th
|
un
s
hi
in the area asking
boycott will be started im-
Seta
| mine
Teamsters now. have signed
Please Turn to Page 23, Col. 1
Continued from Third Page
‘authorization cards from
more. than 2,400 workers
The teachers' union represents
| only a small part of the 1,077 teach- | ;
School
|
contracts.
| or Milton Spinner, a history teacher,
| members of the American
it was."
sters' organizing drive, said the pact [|
was the culmination of six weeks of ;
negotiations with Perelli-Minetti.
He said talks also are going on with
other growers in the Kern-Tulare
counties area for additional union
RICHMOND W—A group of 144
| instructors staged California's first
union by the Board.of Education.
bus
William Grami, head of the Team-
Sta fe Hitt by. First
Teachers’ Strike—
} teacher strike Monday
whose
:
:
|
}
|
}
|
|
|
4
ve
INSTITUTE
INDUSTRIAL
AND
OF
LABOR
OF
MICHIGAN
RELATIONS
a
UNIVERSITY
THE
;
e
WAYNE
STATE
UNIVERSITY
€
vt
Irving
AS
ACTION
FOR
Bluestone
INDICATED:
Signature
[]
Reply—Copy to Me
CL]
Note and File
CL] Approved
[]
Please Summarize
[]
Note and Return
[]
Action.
[]
Please Investigate
[]
Please Phone Me
[]
Comments
[]
Forwarded
[]
Please See Me
[]
Information
[]
Note and Forward
[]
Other (see below)
[]
Per Request
REMARKS
T hate to admit it but there
many problems outstanding.
FROM
Form
Ron
8003
Haughton
are
DATE
still
Oct. 20, 1966
OCT i 4 1966
v
aoe
Sey
State of California
,
Qe
-.GOVERNOR’S OFFICE
la
OCT 26 1966
SACRAMENTO
October 12, 1956
Mr. Ronald
W.
Haugnton
Wayne State University
Detroit, Michigan 48202
-Deat
Ron:
|
Just a note to
appreciate the
California.
tell you that I deeply
tremendous job you did
I also appreciate your
have been wonderful:
help
Sincerely
EDMUND G. BROWN, Governor
to me:
fe.
You
in
|
eS
Ee a
J
MOV 3 1066
AGREEMENT
In
for
is
other
consideration
consideration
mutually
agreed
1.
under
the
Service
the
Di
will
restraint,
| bargaining
to
meet
to
with
There
it
the
shall be scheduled
California
4,
1966,
State
Conciliation
at the Arvin
Property
election.
express
choice
free
as
nt a
by
secret
ballot
or
coercion,
before
the
to
their
preference
Union
properties
Eligible
election
of
of
without
and
a collective
employees.
attached
representatives
during
with the campaign
They are
nonworking
This
rules
hereto
right
already
as Appendix
shall
hours
shall
in
be
Corporation
and
to
the
to
supply
designated
and/or
eligible
cena.
shail
personnel
vote
in
to
the
in effect
representative
the election.
order
at
"a,"
concerned
records,
have
exercised
Company to Supply List of Eligible Voters.
from payroll
employees
Rules.
eligible
organizations
of
and
hereto,
a representation
corporate
Giorgio
signed
parties
Corporation,
Cream
3.
Di
the
exchanged,
representative.
in accordance
Arvin,
of
November
election,
ae
access
to
at Arvin.
interference,
such
promises
follows:
administration
Giorgio
mutual
acceptable
Election
on Friday,
employees
during
as
of
employee
of
names
Such
The
the
and
under-
addresses
list
is
to
be supplied at Arvin within five days of the date of trese 7° /,'5
a
fansite
rtm
aA
pe
4,
Ballot.
The
ballots
will
election
Issuance
of Notice
Notice
be
at
supplied
at
and
least
sample
five
and Sample
official
days prior
secret
to
the
Arvin.
5.
procedure
of Election
of Election
Appointment
to
of
assure that
Observors.
a fair
and
As
a part
orderly
of
election
the
will
be
conducted, each party on a ballot shall have the right to
two
appoint
for
Company
member
of
and
shall
in the
nonemployee
proximity
employees.
No
representative
union
of the
polling
places
shall
during
a vote
is
challenged,
or her
the
voter's
the
Conciliation
vote
shall
name
challenge,
and
such
individual
be placed
address
Service,
shall
entered
after
make
shall
in a separate
a final
and
vote,
envelope
thereon.
hearing
to
desiring
If a person
Ballots.
Challenged
his
such
or
nonsupervisory
be
observors
hours.
6.
cast
Union
supervision
be permitted
election
at
Such
site.
each election
observors
but
with
Thereafter,
evidence
binding
relating
decision
to
as
to whether the vote shall be counted or not.
employees
7.
Employees
who
have
effectively
and
unit.
shall
be
employees.
the
recommend
excluded
Similarly,
Ineligible
right
hiring
from
there
to
hire
and
and firing
any
shall
tc Vote.
fire
are
resulting
be
Supervisory
excluded
employees
ineligible
collective
office
or
to
to vote
bargaining
clerical
shall have the right to vote.
1966, to October 26, 1966,
the
After
sentative.
if any.
collective bargaining representative,
in
the
representation
conduct
of
the
thereto
as
they
thereof,
the
decided
12.
Service,
such
to
and
the
over
jurisdiction
relating
circumstances
time
the
at
and
elections
to be
by
Collective
collective
bargaining
continue
for
by Messrs.
and
questions
a period
unit,
of
Haughton
and
and
and
days
Kagel.
or
answered
be
Kagel.
Arbitration
selected
negotiations
shall
45
will
select
for
Complaints
is a union
agreenent
shall
property
Bargaining
bargaining
parties
the
Haughton
event there
the
Handling.
to
assigned
representative
Messrs.
Complaint
and
complaints,
elections.
the
In the
collective
fication
to
promptly
fication,
icat vind
such resident
to
directed
of
representative
prior
periods
will
Conciliation
Representative
Resident
purpose
& resident
priate
State
|
ll.
For
Working
elections
prior
occur
may
Undersigned.
continuing
retain
will
undersigned
California
the
with
cooperation
of
Jurisdiction
Continuing
10.
the
and
results
the
certify
will
it
California
the
by
counted
been
have
votes
Service,
Conciliation
State
Bargaining Repre-
of a Collective
Certification
9.
18,
October
during the period
at Arvin
on the payroll
who were
employees
eligible
otherwise
Any
Voters.
Eligible
é.
commence
after
the
Unless
after
Certi-
in an appro-
leading
toa
immediately,
date
the
of
time
and
certi-
is
Sam
Mr.
before
arbitration
binding
and
final
to
be submitted
shall
differences
remaining
all
mutual agreement;
by
extended
Kagel of San Francisco and Mr. Ronald W. Haughton of Detroit.
of
might
not
and
NLRB,
the
by
industry
the
for
election
another
one-year
period
recognized
also
berred
in
is
obtaining
from
barred
is
election
an
in
successful
be
which
a union
that
saying
without
goes
It
certification.
dates
the
to
retroactive
be
shall
arbitrators
the
of
Awards
The
covered
in
with
accordance
established Labor Relations Law for a like period for one
|
parties.
the
,
s
n
o
i
t
a
d
n
e
m
m
o
e
e
/; <> the-R
Afi,
w
AT 9A.
2-27 77~
“pe
ly
Ps
accepting
or
to
boycott
out the
carry
required.
a
charge
a failure
there
is
that
there
are
of
the
made
with
is
and
letter
If
electioneering
be
7
being
to
engage
to
strike
to
and
by
charge
any
by
This
ay
picketing,
cooperation
Company
a
DvP
Recommendations
is
subsequently
is
actions,
fully,
cooperate
for any
a strike,
in
there
or boycott
conducted
such
the
of
spirit
acceptance,
Company
respect
:
Corporation.
Giorgio
Di
against
S| x
upon Acceptance.
organization
by
equally
borne
be
n
f
o
o
i
e
t
r
a
e
l
h
l
o
t
l
i
a
e
v
a
b
it sh
«
employee
i
Fete
Obligations
€
ee,
shall
counsel,
Wot 4
13.
.
of
excluding costs
tions,
theca=Roeohme
stemming from
proceeding
arbitration
any
of
OPI AA IY
The
an election.
recognition without
to force
designed
activity
economic
similar
in
engaging
or
boycotting
from
year
or that
party,
Messrs.
or
there
improper
a finding
Kagel
is
and
will
Haughton,
and
in
issued,
an
appropriate
which
enforceable
breach
and
the
a cease-and-desist
accepting
in an
parties
appropriate
of contract.
Haughton
case,
which
Any
other
arises
out
court
order
of
the
tion, or enforcement of any part of
likewise
be
enforceable
finding a breach
Executed
in
an
hereby
as
order
agree
an
shall
order
issued
will
interpretation,
Tea
court
aé
a
Kagel
applica-
6% Patt
appropriate
be
finding
by Messrs.
be
an order
of contract.
in
San Francisco,
California,
25,
October
on
1966.
UNITED FARM WO2KERS ORGANIZING COMMITTEE
By
=
fe
Hof ek
NTT
R LEE EON INE A ETERS MIE SAIS AE ETEII SN) OA SRIY GRASS
TEAMSTERS
FARM
“
f! ae Kher
2
EIR Ee
IRR
EEA
SOE DAS IE SI A
WORKERS
| «By
DI
GIORGIO
CORPORATION
ASIN EOI ETS OSE SFIS LOT II
UNION
EAD
EIN
DEEN ENTE
fe
7
:
|
ey
ee
.
Cie
eeme
ee
ee ee
ne
1
AS ve andix
-
~~
Union
Representat IVES B \.é ALL
aay sng nen-wor <3es d=~ ng nNours
*
‘
navy
ae
{7
~
tae
Ct«
~ ’
ee
ed
CoO
ce
<1
Cry
x 5
a
corpore
Cligible
Oo
ee oe
i
ee
*~*
h ava
MOWws
tetee
to
¢.
a
©
PxO
explo
do
¢
2 ect
Vv
a
Gas
SO
Cas
wa
am
»
s
"oF
Ae
Bra
oO
: ene
¥
‘
=
és
“as
o,
~ a
Cos.
.
-
~
diy
OF
ae
4
te
ol
& to give proser
ual exployces
conduct.
ies
@
WPR:
Mr.
Harris
see the film,
Education.
it,
WO
he
is in town
suggests
Further,
2-9577.
he
THIS
week.
someone
If you
in charge
said he might
cannot
of
be able to leave
i6 1966
=
lta
KING
SGREEN
320
AVE.
AURORA
NORTH
-
PRODUCTIONS
SEATTLE,
WASHINGTON
98109
November
11,
°
MU
CoE w
2-3555
1966
Mr. Walter Reuther
United Auto Workers
Detroit,
Michigan
Dear
Reuther:
Mr.
We have just completed an hour-long color
documentary film on the Grape Strike in Delano,
California.
We think that this film will be of
great interest to the members of your union.
IT am planning to be in Detroit next week shooting another film.
I hope I might have the opportunity at that time to show you or other
directors of the union our film, HUELGA!
We think our film could be of
value and use to your union.
I will get in touch with
this week when we arrive
educational
great
your office
in Detroit.
early
Sincerely,
A
DIVISION
OF
KING
BROADCASTING
COMPANY
Orn Ap ee.
NM
)
Synopsis
HUELGA!
A KING Screen Production Film (Color)
Running
At the end of August,
central
major
California,
breakthrough
1966,
in agriculture
election,
of the Di Giorgio Corporation,
union made
organizing
bargaining
elected
Breaks
in @ small valley town of
a new farmworkers’
In a precedent-shattering
Association was
Five
52:15.
Times
in this
the National
COUDGEY»
Parmvorkers
the field workers
for
agent
the first
one of the giants of California
agriculture.
The HFWA‘s
year
old
became
ex-migrant
a national
Cesar
worker,
plea for fer
Chaves,
the
55
against
led by @ softespoken
Califernia.
in Delano,
grapegrowers
strike
a year-long
followed
victory
strike
59-
quickly
representation.
HUELGA (Spanish for “sirike") is a film of the eighth month
of the Delano
movenent
strike.
I+ is
a portrait
of the genesis
whose impact has already extended
of a
fer beyond the San
Joaquin Valley.
Before
the Delano
fully organised.
strike,
farm labor had never been success-
“The grovexr's power,"
"has always been based on (this) fact.
' after we win in Delano, ii
Chavez
said last year,
Now we are oxganised, and
nied pottin t> ceantos farmvoxkers from
to the other. Huelge
one end of California
is going to becomea
had also
word in this state." By fall, the word
household
throughout the Southwest.
spread
of the Delano
eighth month
The
a town of
found
strike
Among the
13,000 people bitterly divided over the new union,
Mexican-American
loyalty and
of the
townspeople—-fear,
@ camera
A grower guides
them
engaging
and
workers
The
members.
townspeople
scenes
that
itself.
One
the
picket
line
learm
that Di
ployees
to
the
to
crystallize
tense
confrontation,
the
about
also
the
begin
call
his
strike.
the NFWA should be to its
with
charge
after
charge
of
those
of new em~
an emergency meeting and race
only
not
issues
of farm
labor
Producer
issues
single,
clear-—-the meaning
to
do we begin
the people
to
representation,
to find in them relevance
Executive
In this
incident.
the grower,
moment,
the
Suddenly,
everything becomes
to
on the
the strikers
for example,
them.
stop
that
At
Delano.
Sunday,
in a concrete
to the workers,
strike
the
about
are most revealing are
They
try and
strike
line.
introducing
ranch,
his
oads
ng
two busl
in gi
Giorgio is brin
to his ranch.
fields
on the picket
and
agitation.
Communism and outside
But
counter
A grower
strike.
in conversation
expands on his vision of what
Chavez
suspicion,
and
of the
crew around
the majority
and
the growers
of unionism
the philosophy
debate
a striker
distrust,
both views
explores
HUELGA!
among
dedication;
fierce
inspired
the NFWA
farmworkers,
and Filipino
feel
but
McBRIDE
Produced and Written by MARK J. HARRIS
Directed by SKEETS MoGREW
Raited by DICK GILBERT and SKERTS McGREW
Sound by DICK GILBERT
inof
of
strongly,
suddenly os
to our own lives.
ROBERT
of the
“Es
s
r
e
k
r
o
W
l
a
r
u
t
l
Agricu
PS:jh
Ch. 2138 dd 8/16/66
ee:
PS:jh
opeiase one
ce:
Cesar
Chavez
wena
Reuther
Jack Conway
Irv Bluestone
Art Miller
Paul Schrade
Dear Art:
The AFL-CIO has re-atructured the farm
workers organizing committee.
The merged unions, Agricultu
kers Organizing Committee, AFL-CIO
and the independent NFWA, are + cenabined in a new organization called the
United Farm Workers Organizing Committee,
AFL-CIO
The $2,500 monthly checks that we have been contributing
cultural Workers Organizing Committee, and which have been
equally with the National Farm Workers
mut to UFWOC, AFL-CIO Defense Fund.
Association,
Lori.
shared
should now be made
which I have held
lam enclosing the checks for September and October
pending the decision made by the AFL-CIO at the August aoe a KE cutive
Counell mma
«one at the —s
20 omrm nittee:
pentvhs in
ie farm waehane an eabenten nity
bime in the history of our country.
ee of the
¢
Fraternal)
PS:co
epeiu30
encs.
cc:
Irv Bluestone
IC
Mr. Cesar Chavez,
Director
P. 0. Box 894
Delano,
Dear Mr.
California
Chavez:
Eneloseds
is our check #1189 in the amount of $2,500.00
which is yo§r share of donations received fram UAW and IUD
for the month of August 1966. The check from UAW was received
at this office on August 11, 1966, but the check from IUI
not received here till September 9, 1966.
EAWASHINGTON REPORT
ae
IC
Ry
printed
RTE Tees
RYU
=a)
oo
TTT
by UAW
Vol.
every
Friday
in
Washington,
D.
C.
<>7
November
28,
1966
Citizenship-Legislative Department
6, No.
47
United Automobile, Aerospace, and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, UAW, AFL-CIO
Greathouse
before
testifies
Congressional
committee
r
o
f
s
s
e
r
g
n
Ask Co
t
a
”
k
o
o
l
g
n
o
l
; “hard,
farm machinery profits
The United Automobile Workers feel that there is a connection
\! between increases in the cost of farm machinery and the boosts in
food prices and want both to be investigated.
eure
Pat Greathouse, vice president of the union’s Agricultural Implement Department, wants Congress to look “hard and long” at the connection between
today’s rising food costs and the rising prices levied on farmers for a wide
range of farm equipment.
|
“The unjustifiable price increases recently announced by the producers of
farm machinery need a hard and long look by Congress. These increases will
add more fuel to the fires of inflation for no other reason than to increase the
corporations’ profits,” he said.
Company price increases averaged three to five percent, rising to nine per-
ms § cent on certain equipment.
.
Greathouse urged an immediate Congressional investigation of costs, prices and
Farm machinery profits sOar aS COMprofits in the agricultural implement industry.
sumers balk at rising food prices.
| He said: “Ihe companies have pulled out the hoary old pretext of alleged rises
C
ht to
bl
th
histle
ongress oug
0
DOW
tne Wh .
°
SO says Pat Greathouse, UAW viceresident.
P
in materials and labor costs as the excuse for their price gouging. American farmers
Who must bear the immediate brunt of the increases and American consumers who
likely will pay more later on for farm products deserve to know what’s really behind
these price increases.
e
“All of the six major companies in the industry show that, after paying all taxes,
en §= their profits represented a higher return on investment than stockholders received
in 1965,” Greathouse said.
Greathouse stressed: “These
exorbitant rates of return for stockholders were
achieved before the recent price increases went into effect.
“They could have justified a welcome cut in prices. Instead, another round of
price increases will filch more of the farmers’ hard-earned dollars to swell corporate
treasuries still further.
“And the consumer, to whom these increases are passed along, will wonder why
food prices rise so irritatingly.”
NAM
sees surge
of unionism
among new groups
Even the National
tion of Manufacturers
nizing that organized
attracting white collar
fessional workers as
fore in history.
Ballis
—George
BIG THINGS are happening to farm workers,
thanks to leadership of National Farm Workers
Association and
ing Committee,
UAW
union.
marched with
strike last year,
Agricultural Workers Organiznow merged into militant new
Reuther
P.
Walter
President
leaders during Delano grape
as shown here.
Associais recoglabor is
and pronever be-
NAM Reports, official publication
of the employer group, acknowledges
that the labor movement is organizing “status conscious professionals”
who, they say, “even a few years ago
would not have dreamed of striking
the public to enforce their salary
demands .. .”
New steps are being taken to make
room for the white collar worker in
the labor movement, NAM Reports
says, noting that “teachers, nurses,
salesmen, journalists, professionals
and especially government employees
are not only joining up in droves, but
are picketing, striking, entering into
the full scope of unionism.”
observes
further
publication
The
that “along with airline pilots and actors, when men and women in prestige
positions, drawing down impressive salaries,
Farm workers
industrialized
are
The farm worker of the future more and more
will come to resemble his fellow worker in the
factory and other types of industry according
to a study made by the U.S. Department of Agriculture.
This shows that while farm labor has declined drastically during the past twenty years—from more than
10,000,000 workers to slightly less than 6,000,000—
most of the decline has been among small farm oper
ators and family workers. Hired help has dropped much
less proportionally, declining during the same period
from
about
2,150,000
to
about
1,800,000.
The report shows the long-established trend of declining
small farms, specialization of farming operations and dominance of large farms. Nevertheless, the report points out,
commercial agriculture will still need large numbers of hired
workers.
Such workers will need “improved training and skills,”
the report says, adding:
“Though the specific magnitude of change will differ
by size and type of farm, the rapid trend will be toward
an agriculture which provides the agricultural worker
(whether operator or hired) with a better set of machinery,
equipment and working conditions, and which requires that
he be at least as productive as his counterpart in other
lines of modern-day economic activity.”
Pie
Ji
~y
/
rm
fet
|
Glee
ob
encom
cast
their lot with
unionism,
the
concerns
the
movement gains new impetus.”
also acknowledges that
The NAM
“the new ‘respectability’ which unions
are gaining in these fields could radically change the image of unionism,
giving it a new aura of status and serving as the forerunner of massive membership gains.”
All
NAM
this,
course,
of
which has a long record of anti-
unionism.
The “spirit
the labor movement
itself,” it says, “is undergoing change
—from apathy to vigor, from boredom
:
—to militancy.”
Of course, never before did the
NAM claim that the labor movement
of
was either apathetic or boring.
A “new breed” of labor leader is
entering on the scene, continues the
NAM, but they are merely responding:
to the militancy of the membership,
adding:
“The leaders of tomorrow are being
R aided and abetted by a rank-and-file
| which is finding its voice and making
it heard—and this alone is bringing
major new forces to bear on the labor
scene.
“The average employee is tuned in
as a member of today’s affluent society.
Many industrial employees own their
own homes, have college educations
and are keenly self-aware, articulate
in their communities and apt to be
activists in the organization to which
they belong.”
1. Membership
is declining on a percentage
force
basis while nation’s work
is growing.
charts below on rise in productivity illustrate,
traditionally unionized—to white collar jobs.
32
1950 Total: 45,222,000
|
ee
3. The second reason is automation, as the
2. One reason is the shift from blue collar
Union Membership
COAL
(Man
1950
30
14,267,000
hours
required to
\ O¢ vy ;
eo
|
Duis
99999)...
_ (Man hours required to
STEnh produce 1,000 ‘tons)
1950
f=
ae
Membership
— altel
0 170 F Use, 500
we OPEPPEEEIN,00
24
ae
Union
1098
&:
(Man
AUTOS
iat
h
ours
re
at
ed
tedden pe geslemmanilal
to
rity 3 f PPPeeTP1....
—New
York
Times
White collar unions are headed for
better days, thinks an expert
partment of the University of Michigan.
While unions of today have found it difficult to reach clerical and office workers,
largely because of “the unfavorable image of labor unions as uncouth and rather
low brow in character,” they have found educated and professional workers turning toward organization as a way of meeting the problems of today’s changing
labor-management relations.
So
emis changing
| AUTOMATION
ployment picture for millions of
growth:
union
collar
white
in
trends
Professor Odiorne cited four
s
:
:
,
:
1. The greatest successes in the past in white collar unions have been among the professions.
Rather than clerks, the major successes have garnered airline pilots, actors, newspaper report-
Dae aaliiiy Avaehsic, whose tue.
_bers have been decreasing during
Pree
3
-
ers,
insurance
salesmen,
engineers,
teachers
and
civil
i
:
servants.
2. As unions of teachers, government employees, writers and professionals grow and acquire
experience, new labor leadership emerges. “The most logical source of leadership for the peak
unions
of the future
lies in the guilds,
lodges
and associations which make up the unions of ed-
ucated conservative middle class workers,” Odiorne said.
3. As a result of this, the old “unfavorable” face of labor can change rapidly, Odiorne continued, adding: “Once the image has changed, we may expect widespread unionization of middle
class employees
i
'
i
;
:
to follow.”
|
4. Current management practices in handling its professionals and lesser managers make
unionization highly likely, Odiorne warned management. High handed and autocratic handling
of professional workers by management is likely to produce interest in unions as a protest against
such treatment.
“The assumption that white collar professionals will tolerate economic inequity and personal boredom
and apathy because of a ‘loyalty’ to management aims may prove ill-founded,” Odiorne predicted.
Adding to the potential for union growth, Odiorne says, are teachers reacting against low pay and
lack of prestige, professionals reacting against management-by-edict, federal encouragement of unionization of government employees, and the possibility of supervisory unionization.
~~
:
TRON see
:
decade.
|
|
!
Will we
or won’t
we?
big question is troubling
Vietnam war stays very
auto production bob up
good as this year. . . .
administration next year
have
a tax increase,
that is. This
Washington, as 1966 nearly ends.
hot, and cutbacks in bellwether
warning next year won’t be as
There’s rough going for Johnson
unless new blood goes on House
Appropriations Committee. Several crackerjack liberals and
veterans were defeated or retired. Votes for progress will
be mighty slim unless House Democratic leaders put friendlier faces in Appropriations slot. . . . Republicans are gunning for bigger slice of federal government money. They’d
like Uncle Sam to dole out big billion dollar hunks of
federal money—with no strings attached—to states gasping for fiscal help and to get some GOP governors off the
hook.
Uncle
Sam
would
be tax
collector,
states
would
spend money any way they wanted to. Cong. Henry Reuss,
a liberal Democrat, thinks $5 billion a year might go to
states only if they agreed to modernize, give cities a break.
Most labor economists are skeptical of writing blank checks
for states. It’s cities which have biggest problems and state
governments have been stingiest in helping cities tackle those
troubles. . . . California’s new governor will soon discover
he’s got a tiger on his back and Goldwaterisms won’t get
it off. Ronald Reagan may find he’ll need brutalizing sales
tax to lower property taxes as promised. . . . From Washington fence-straddling department: “We’ll have a tax increase next year unless we decide not to.” . . . Seven-foot
John Kenneth Galbraith shocks people with his immense
height, and his ideas are sometimes as shocking. Last September
he
spoke
at
a
conference
on
Urban
America,
sprinkling his talk with salty and peppery ideas. In a plug
for a minimum national income, Galbraith said: “Why is
leisure so uniformly bad for the poor and so uniformly
beneficient for the moderately well-to-do? We can easily
afford a floor income. It would cost about 20 billion dollars
to bring everyone up to what the Department of Health,
Education and Welfare considers a reasonable minimum.
This is a third less than the amount by which personal income rose last year. It is not so much more than we will
spend next fiscal year to rescue freedom and democracy
and religious liberty, as they are defined by the experts, in
Vietnam.” . . . Thousands of Americans “tend to live in a
world reflected in the 10,000 weekly radical right radio
broadcasts, the scores of radical right newsletters and hate
sheets and magazines’”—says Franklin Littell, president of
Iowa Wesleyan College and chairman of Institute for American Democracy. “Once they are hooked by the radical
right propaganda barrage, they often develop into fanatics,
THIS WEEK
Challenge of the unorganized
distrusting all other sources of information including not
only newspapers and television but schools and churches as
well. Extremists have made life miserable for good citizens
—through spying, nocturnal phone calls, economic and social pressure, stonings, even bombings.” . . . Sen. Robert
Kennedy’s plan to raise Social Security by 50 percent is a
built-in way to wipe out poverty among 5 to 7 million
elderly Americans who live in poverty today. Kennedy’s
plan calls for tapping the general revenues to raise benefits
for people getting as little as $44 a month so retired couples
would get an average of $214 a month. The floor for
couples would be almost equal to the present average—
$135 as against $142. . . . Big power companies in Montana worked madly to defeat Sen. Lee Metcalf and failed
dismally. A new book called “Overcharge” by Sen. Metcalf
comes out next year and tells why private power com-
panies so detest Metcalf. It’ll show private power make
exorbitant profits which consumers pay for in excessive
power rates. . . . Subsidies for the rich and near-rich always
sound so noble, but if you spend money for a Job Corps
program for dropouts and some of it spills—that’s terrible.
Hobart
Rowen
in Washington
Post
notes:
“Jf you
own
a
Let your Congressman hear from you before
the 90th Congress begins its work.
You
can reach him at home between now and the
Lirst. of 1967.
small private airplane, you can park it at Washington's
National Airport for only $2 for 24 hours—or no more
than it costs to park your car there. The very biggest executive jet is charged just $12—obviously far below real economic costs. Who picks up the tab? The American taxpayer,
for a whole host of such services supplied to corporate aircraft, puts $100 million on the line every year. That means
that each of the 20,000 business planes in this country is
subsidized
to the
tune
of $5000
a year.
For
United
States
Steel that’s an annual handout amounting to $50,000 for its
ten company planes. For General Motors, with a larger air
fleet, the annual subsidy comes to $100,000. . . The government estimates that the average subsidy per farm using
irrigated water is a smashing $6500 per year. And the subsidy is worth that, year after year, for 50 years. . . In many
cases, especially in California and Arizona, the situation is
even worse. Some individual ‘farmers,’ mostly medium-tobig-businessmen, have subsidies worth $100,000 to $200,000 a year. In these cases, they are paying a little more
than $2 per acre-foot of water
$60 per acre-foot to bring in.”
that actually
costs
$50
to
M. Vincent Miller
ON THE FARM
WORKERS
After
the
Grape
Pickers’
Strike
OcToOBER,
|
1966
Delano is entirely typical of the innumerable rural
towns that dot the vast stretches of farmland in California’s agricultural
valleys. Lying off Highway 99, the main artery through the San Joaquin
Valley, it is a thoroughly unimpressive-looking place, with some 13,500
a
f
hal
ut
abo
s
eet
str
r
fou
or
ee
thr
ns
spa
ct
tri
dis
ss
ine
bus
Its
ts.
tan
inhabi
the
on
a
are
al
nti
ide
res
ass
-cl
dle
mid
dy
sha
a
is
e
er
Th
g.
lon
cks
dozen blo
east side with pleasant old homes. On the west and south sides an assortment
of structures,
from
cheap
tract homes
to shacks,
contains
that
ate
tun
for
es
ili
fam
ker
wor
m
far
no
ipi
Fil
and
n
ca
xi
Me
the
of
n
portio
e
sid
out
t
Jus
ty.
per
pro
s’
wer
gro
the
on
ps
cam
or
lab
the
id
avo
enough to
y
om
on
ec
s
y’
it
un
mm
co
the
ch
whi
n
upo
rds
eya
vin
of
es
mil
town begin the
w,
slo
is
no
la
De
in
life
of
o
mp
te
the
es,
tim
al
rm
no
In
s.
ter
tot
or
stands
p.
cro
pe
gra
the
of
le
cyc
al
son
sea
the
h
wit
s
ate
ctu
flu
it
though
©
e
lik
as
are
in
ker
wor
m
far
the
ted
ven
pre
e
hav
les
tac
obs
le
ab
Formid
n
eve
ing
ain
obt
m
fro
es,
wag
low
lly
ica
het
pat
his
g
in
ov
Delano from impr
stig
a
of
e
fre
ng
aki
bre
m
fro
,
hts
rig
g
nin
gai
bar
the most rudimentary
it
ure
uct
str
ial
soc
the
to
t
pec
res
th
Wi
.
life
of
way
matized and rootless
tem
sys
dal
feu
a
les
emb
res
re
ltu
icu
agr
an
ic
er
Am
of
tor
sec
creates, this
c
di
ma
no
a
of
e
rol
the
ys
pla
p
cro
the
ds
ten
o
wh
r
ore
lab
in which the
s
thu
and
s
tie
ori
min
n
ia
as
uc
Ca
nno
m
fro
e
com
s
ker
serf. Most field wor
te
whi
s
y’
it
un
mm
co
g
min
far
the
o
int
ry
ent
g
nin
have little chance of gai
in
s
job
l
ria
ust
ind
for
ed
hir
ng
bei
of
,
ter
mat
middle class or, for that
k,
wor
ady
ste
g
in
at
im
ox
pr
ap
ly
ote
rem
ng
thi
the cities. In order to get any
t
cui
cir
a
ing
vel
tra
en
oft
p,
cro
to
p
cro
they usually have to move from
ion
ept
exc
ant
ort
imp
an
r,
eve
how
,
sts
exi
ere
(th
through several states
y
onl
ir
the
y
ntl
que
Fre
.
er)
lat
ar
cle
to this in Delano, which will become
or
lab
by
ily
eas
d
che
rea
be
’t
can
y
the
homes are in the field camps, where
ty.
per
pro
wer
gro
on
ta
gra
non
a
son
per
ely
organizers who are suprem
on
ati
isl
leg
the
m
fro
or
lab
m
far
ed
lud
Thirty years ago, Congress exc
sub
g;
nin
gai
bar
e
tiv
lec
col
in
age
eng
to
that enabled industrial workers
646
sequent bills extending this to agricultural workers have been strangled.
Numerous organizing drives and strikes have started up on California farms, but these have rarely made any real headway. Memberships
were built up and sometimes slight wage increases achieved; but no
meaningful contracts with growers followed,
With the cards thus stacked against them, workers in the Delano
grape fields, led by the AFL-CIO’s Agricultural Workers Organizing
National
locally-based
the
and
Committee
Farm
Workers
Association,
went out on strike in the fall of 1965. After months of intensely bitter
struggle involving the entire Delano community, the strikers have won
some unprecedented concessions from the two largest growers in the
area. Last June 21, NFWA and Schenley Industries, Inc. signed a contract that guarantees Schenley’s field labor a minimum wage of $1.75
per hour and substitutes an NFWA hiring hall for the customary practice of employing directly or through labor contractors. And on August
30, NFWA and AWOC, newly merged under the AFL-CIO, beat the
Teamsters’ Union in an election to determine who would represent the
Di Giorgio Corporation’s Delano and Borrego Springs field crews at
ion
elect
on
tati
esen
repr
a
won,
had
who
er
matt
No
.
table
ng
aini
barg
the
a
itself
in
was
ucer
prod
al
ultur
agric
r
majo
a
of
farms
the
held on
historic event.
These achievements have considerably brightened the outlook for
a
has
still
h
whic
,
effort
no
Dela
The
ica.
Amer
in
labor
farm
ng
unionizi
long way to go, is only a surface scratch in agriculture’s traditional
resistance
but it
to unions,
is one
that
can’t
be
smoothed
over.
The
the
for
athy
symp
ic
publ
ad
spre
wide
sed
arou
have
no
Dela
in
s
event
them
bring
to
e
desir
’s
ment
move
labor
the
d
ndle
reki
and
ers
work
farm
in
es
strik
farm
been
have
there
hs,
mont
t
recen
in
And
into the fold.
ona,
Ariz
and
on
Oreg
in
ings
stirr
n,
onsi
Wisc
in
Texas and marches
Florida
and
Colorado.
il
Why. did
farther
than
the
farm
grape
workers
oe
strikers succeed
have
been
able
in
pushing
to do
their
demands
in the past? Perhaps
A,
NFW
ch
whi
in
ner
man
ous
eni
ing
the
h
wit
do
to
has
the chief reason
d
ate
cre
se
pon
res
al
mor
of
ge
ita
her
the
on
w
dre
,
vez
led by Cesar Cha
’s
ker
wor
m
far
the
ize
mat
dra
to
er
ord
in
,
nt
me
ve
mo
by the civil rights
m
far
us
vio
pre
t
Mos
s.
ion
dit
con
g
in
rk
wo
and
plea for better wages
strikes
have
remained
isolated
local
phenomena,
easily
snuffed
out
by
me
ca
be
ike
str
pe
gra
the
r,
eve
how
ce,
dan
gui
’s
vez
Cha
growers. Under
and
l
era
lib
al
ion
nat
for
se
cau
a
e,
tic
jus
ial
soc
for
nt
me
ve
more like a mo
radical sentiment to rally around.
°
647
The
AWOC’s
workers,
strike
began
refused
to
at
the
local membership,
pick
outset
of
the
1965
harvest
consisting predominantly
grapes
unless
their
$1.10
season,
when
of Filipino
or
$1.20
field
per
hour
wages were raised to $1.40. On September 8 Filipino workers staged a
sit-in at the grower-owned camps. Larry Itliong, AWOC regional director, asked NFWA’s large, well-organized Mexican-American constituency
to cooperate. NFWA held a meeting on September 16 and voted to join
the strike.
.
Conditions were more favorable than usual for calling a farm strike.
Constant agitation by AWOC and cther groups, such the Berkeley-based
Citizens for Farm Labor, had finally killed the bracero program. Under
a new public law, braceros could be brought in only when special manpower shortages warranted it and with-a guaranteed minimum wage
of $1.40 an hour. This had cut off one of the farrners’ main sources for
keeping wages depressed and breaking strikes, Although the Delano
grape growers do not generally use braceros to harvest the crop, the new
stricter law had created an atmosphere more conducive to demands for
higher farm-labor wages.
Furthermore,
it
is much
easier
to
organize
in
workers
the
grape
territory than in most agricultural areas. If they are to flourish, grapevines require careful attention, involving several different operations,
during ten or eleven months of the year. Even though migrant workers
pour
into
Delano
during
the
harvest,
when
jobs
and
wages
are
at
a
peak, there is also a semi-skilled residential population that works all
year long. This relatively permanent labor force can form a solid core.
Some of the resident workers live in town where the organizer can get
to them, and they can pass on the message during work to those who
.
live in the camps.
Despite these circumstances, it seems certain that the strikers would
not have had much success in a traditional labor-management economic
tug-of-war with growers like Schenley and Di Giorgio. Farm workers,
even locally organized ones, could not gain sufficient leverage against
the growers’
wealth,
their alliances
with
local
and
state authorities,
the
ease with which they could bring in scab labor. In its seven years AWOC
had called strike after strike without winning any contracts. If the labor
movement had ever thrown its full weight behind AWOC, these strikes
might have been more effective; but although the AFL-CIO continued
to provide AWOC with enough funds to stay alive, unionizing farm
labor had not been one of its overwhelming enthusiasms.
NFWA was uniquely equipped to come up with a new approach to
these problems. NFWA director Cesar Chavez, who had been a migrant
649
mento which ended on Easter Sunday at the State Capito] building
amid a throng of 10,000 enthusiastic supporters. _
The weapon that NFWA mobilized against the growers was not
merely economic power but also moral power. It is difficult to say just
what brought Schenley to the bargaining table and Di Giorgio to the
polls. In large measure, their vulnerability may have been due to the
fact that they are national corporations; the same tactics probably would not have broken the numerous independent growers, though they will
eventually have to fall in line now that the two local giants have capitulated. Without doubt the Schenley and Di Giorgio boycotts were
effective, not because they did the two companies grievous economic
damage but because their public images were hurt. One can imagine
the feedback in Delano when the Schenley New York office found the
New Left and the churches organizing against it.
If Chavez’s coalition of moral activists was building strong support
outside Delano, it was having quite the opposite impact on the town.
Delano’s middle-class citizenry reacted as though Jesse James and his
gang had ridden in to shoot up the place. When guards hired by the
growers beat up farm workers on the picket lines, the local police arrested the farm workers. Students and ministers were frequently jailed
on vague charges. The Delano Record took a fervent stand against
NFWA. In one issue, the caption to a photograph of Chavez addressing
a rally in San Francisco asked readers to notice that the U.S. flag was
being flown
below
NFWA’s
own
flag, as though
this somehow
indicated
what the strikers’ real intentions were. A group of local merchants,
businessmen, housewives, and pensioners formed an organization called
Citizens for Facts, whose
avowed
aim is to distribute impartial
informa-
tion about the strike but whose practice has more often been to attack
NFWA and its outside help in the vocabulary of witch-hunting paranoia.
What accounts for this violent antagonism toward the strike? For
one thing, the townspeople by and large have always echoed the growers’ anti-union sentiments. From a strictly utilitarian angle, it is questionable whether this attitude makes sense—an argument as reasonable
as any other is that the wider buying power and more stable, responsible
work force created by union wage increases and hiring practices would
be good for the town’s economy.
But threatened pocketbooks probably did not count for as much
in the town’s reaction as threatened class and social values. While there
is little overt tone of white supremacy in Delano, the Mexican and
Filipino laborers are treated with a genteel paternalism that keeps most
650
of them firmly in place as second-class citizens. In the eyes of the town
burghers, the image of NFWA presented didn’t mean simply unionism; it
spelled “revolution,” disorder, the Mexican farm workers’ flag above
the American flag.
_ What most profoundly shook the town were the student radicals
and clergymen who took part in the struggle. Perhaps the threat that
students posed was ultimately the lesser. The town could release its rage
by calling them Communists and beatniks. But seeing out-of-town
‘ministers of their own faiths engaging in “revolutionary activities” on
picket lines hit the citizens where it hurts. Middle-class Delano looks
to
the
churches
for
social
solidarity
and
perhaps
even
salvation,
but
archdioceses
out-
certainly not for political action. Asa result bitter disputes about the
clergy’s role in society have broken out between Delano churches, which
are strongly opposed to the strike, other San Joaquin Valley churches
which
have
taken
various
positions,
and
parishes
and
side the region which have been some of NFWA’s best support. These
quarrels have considerably shaken the California denominations.
There was one other event which fed resentment in the town. About
the time the strike began, the Office of Economic Opportunities awarded
NFWA
a grant of more
than
$250,000
to train indigenous
in rural leadership. Growers and Delano townspeople
would be used to fund the strike. Chavez asked the
money in abeyance; he may never see it now. But bad
no doubt placing the federal government in the
category.
farm
workers
figured this money
OEO to hold the
feeling remained,
“outside agitator’
IV
The grape strike entered a new phase early last summer, when big
labor came to Delano in full battle dress, not only to fight the growers
but to engage in civil war. Battle lines were drawn between the AFL-
CIO
and
the Teamsters,
and the issues raised in that confrontation
will
have a far-reaching effect on future farm labor organizing in America.
From an early point in the strike, NFWA and AWOC forces had
worked up considerable rank-and-file and regional leadership support
among union locals throughout California. The Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Alameda County Central Labor Councils started making
regular contributions to the strikers. Under the directioof
n Ann Draper
of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, the San Francisco Labor Council
sent monthly motorcades, bearing food and clothing. The ILWU members on the San Francisco docks refused to load Delano grapes for shipping. Though Teamster support was uneven in the Valley, it was fairly
strong at first in Northern and Southern California; the first big picket
|
651
line in Los Angeles against Di Giorgio products was manned by several
hundred Teamsters.
Some AFL-CIO high-level circles began to realize at an early date
that what was happening in Delano was not the usual agricultural
strike. Paul Schrade, @AW Western regional director, became a strong
NFWA supporter and a key liaison between Chavez and top AFL-CIO
echelons. In mid-December Walter Reuther who, like Bobby Kennedy
in the Democratic party, is always sensitive to a potential political base
to the left of the chief, appeared in Delano to address the strikers and
join Chavez and Itliong in a march through town. Reuther
up with $5,000 a month to be split between AWOC and NFWA.
Kircher, head of AFL-CIO organizing, and IUD’s executive
Jack Conway worked to build a bridge between AFL-CIO policy
NFWA approach. Kircher and Conway wanted Itliong’s group
followed
William
director
and the
to join
ed
refus
n
Gree
Al
head
C
AWO
ia
forn
Cali
but
to,
amen
Sacr
to
h
marc
the
the
d
uade
diss
he
and
,
labor
d
lishe
estab
de
outsi
ents
elem
with
work
to
Filipinos from marching.
Toward the end of spring, a change in Teamster policy quickly
eliminated any further possibility that Chavez’s organization might
remain outside the national labor movement. Teamster organizers, attempting to unhorse both NFWA and AWOC, appeared on the Di
Giorgio grounds and started their own organizing drive, although they
drew back after a few days upon being denounced, remarkably enough,
by NFWA’s church support. But Di Giorgio, who had either encouraged
the Teamsters in the first place or who now saw a chance to get rid of
Chavez and Itliong, unilaterally arranged an election for June 24, in
More
vote.
to
ble
eligi
be
d
woul
ers
work
oyed
empl
ntly
prese
only
which
Team
out
ng
passi
were
men
fore
gio
Gior
Di
that
signs
were
over, there
ster membership cards and ordering employees to vote for the ‘T’eamsters.
and
polls
the
of
ott
boyc
a
for
d
calle
C
AWO
and
A
NFW
In protest,
‘eam
the
say,
to
less
Need
t,
ballo
the
on
s
name
their
it
perm
to
refused
sters won.
Subsequently, various labor, religious, and Mexican-American orl
ca
an
ti
ic
li
Po
er
Am
nca
xi
ul
Me
rf
we
’s
g
ia
po
rn
in
fo
ud
li
cl
Ca
in
s—
on
ti
ganiza
pt
ke
d
t
ha
in
po
is
th
to
up
ho
(w
n
ow
or
Br
ed
rn
sh
ve
pu
Go
n—
io
at
Associ
g
in
th
me
g
so
in
do
to
)
in
no
la
De
at
ts
en
ev
e
th
om
f
fr
oo
ly
al
re
himself enti
about
the bizarre,
one-sided
election. Brown
sent in Ronald
W.
Haugh-
e;
at
ig
st
ve
,
in
ty
to
si
er
iv
Un
e
at
e
St
yn
Wa
om
fr
rt
pe
s
ex
on
ti
la
re
r
bo
ton, a la
ess
on
wa
ti
ec
el
30
st
s,
gu
Au
on
e
ti
th
da
en
mm
co
’s
re
on
ht
ug
and on Ha
tablished.
a
ed
s
en
er
op
st
am
Te
e
,
th
ay
s
aw
ek
we
w
fe
on
a
ti
ec
el
w
ne
e
th
With
652
full-scale campaign at the Di Giorgio farm. Squadrons of top Teamster
organizers arrived in Delano, looking urban and expensive in contrast
to NFWA’s grass-roots style. They brought along San Francisco public
relations experts, set up shop in one of Delano’s two relatively swank
motels, drove
out
to the fields in new
cars and
minibuses
loaded
with
fancy sound equipment, and passed out free key chains and soda pop
to the workers. On occasion; they sought support in what would seem
forbidden territory to a labor union: William Grami, coordinator for
the
Teamster
Drive,
gave
an
address
before
the
Citizens
for
Facts,
in
which he attacked NFWA in terms not unlike those of his audience.
By this time it was common knowledge that the Teamsters were on
friendly terms with Di Giorgio—the company published an open letter
to its employees urging them to elect the Teamsters on August 30.
What brought the Teamsters into the fray? One explanation is that
the huge union has a vulnerable flank to protect. If, for example, a
militant farm workers’ union like NFWA were to gain sufficient statewide influence in agriculture, it could call harvest strikes that might
suspend work for some 150,000 Teamster food-processing workers in
California canneries and packing sheds, as well as for large numbers of
truck drivers. To turn over the coin—with farm workers in its fold, the
Teamsters would have substantial control over agricultural labor operations at almost every point from the fields to the marketplace.
Apparently the latter possibility did not bother Di Giorgio. The
Teamsters in Delano were promoting their “business unionism” formula,
which emphasizes preserving harmonious labor-management relations
by using the most tranquil routes to collective bargaining. They sold
the company, if not the workers.
In response to the Teamster threat, it was decided that NFWA
and AWOC would become a single AFL-CIO organization. There were
some immediate practical reasons for this move: Staying separate would
‘mean a split in the Mexican and Filipino Di Giorgio vote. And the
merger would enable Chavez to draw freely on AFL-CIO resources and
prestige. At an AFL-CIO Executive Council meeting in Chicago a week
before the election, the merger received official blessings and a new
name, United Farm Workers Organizing Committee. Chavez was appointed director.
V
The arrival of big labor in Delano raises questions about the sort
of unions farm workers can now hope to get. How much difference is
there ultimately between what the AFL-CIO and what the Teamsters’
Union has to offer? And now that the AFL-CIO has absorbed Chavez
653
and the NFWA, what impact will the centralized labor giant and the
tiny democratic and activist farm workers’ organization have on one
another?
The two questions are closely related. The AFL-CIO victory has
by
wer
Gro
.
nds
mla
far
the
m
fro
ers
mst
Tea
the
sed
cha
ns
mea
no
by
er
mst
Tea
,
goes
O
-CI
AFL
the
and
vez
Cha
er
rev
whe
,
crop
by
p
grower, cro
and
s
vote
for
s
ggle
stru
ure
fut
In
a.
vers
vice
and
ow,
foll
organizers will
contracts, perhaps the chief advantage that the AFL-CIO has over the
up
gro
’s
vez
Cha
of
eal
app
se
cau
almor
and
ots
s-ro
gras
the
is
Teamsters
erlead
O
-CI
AFL
the
r
the
Whe
t.
por
sup
e
sid
out
of
ion
lit
coa
e
and its loos
ano
Del
his
in
ing
rat
ope
ue
tin
con
to
rein
free
vez
Cha
ship will give
manner remains to be seen.
There are signs, however, that the AFL-CIO may go farther in this
direction than one might have expected. During the Di Giorgio clash
onuni
ial
“soc
ed
call
t,
cep
con
g
zin
ani
org
est
new
its
ed
pitt
O
-CI
the AFL
mufor
as
sm,
oni
uni
.
ial
Soc
sm.
oni
uni
ss
ine
bus
er
mst
Tea
t
ism,” agains
in
cue
its
s
take
,
way
Con
k
Jac
’s
IUD
the
and
r
the
Reu
ter
Wal
by
d
late
her
Lut
tin
Mar
y,
nsk
Ali
by
ted
era
gen
d
moo
l
tica
poli
new
the
m
fro
part
the
und
aro
ers
cent
It
ers.
lead
on
acti
ity
mun
com
r
othe
King Jr., and
the
m
fro
ed
end
ext
be
can
er
pow
g
nin
gai
bar
for
g
notion that organizin
and
es
wag
only
not
that
so
e,
larg
at
ity
mun
com
job site out into the
and
y,
ert
pov
g,
sin
hou
,
ion
cat
edu
but
e
stak
at
are
s
ion
dit
working con
,
logy
ideo
tly
mos
is
sm
oni
uni
al
soci
far,
s
Thu
.
well
as
unemployment
W
UA
o,
cag
Chi
In
:
ion
mot
in
set
n
bee
e
hav
ts
jec
pro
t
pilo
although a few
ons
uni
nts’
tena
the
h
wit
up
ked
hoo
e
hav
IUD
the
by
organizers funded
.
rds
mlo
slu
h
wit
g
lin
dea
for
s
basi
new
a
out
k
wor
started by King to
ped
hel
e
hav
s
ele
Ang
Los
in
s
cial
offi
or
lab
er
And Paul Schrade and oth
fed
staf
on
uni
ood
orh
ghb
nei
a
l,
nci
Cou
create the Watts Labor Action
for
s
roe
Neg
uit
recr
to
,
area
the
in
live
who
e
fil
by AFL-CIO rank-ander
bett
for
s
pres
and
ms,
gra
pro
n
tio
rea
rec
jobs, set up training and
general living conditions.
ed
olv
inv
t
mos
ame
bec
who
s
cial
offi
O
CI
LAF
the
t
It is significant tha
nlai
Exp
.
tes
oca
adv
g
din
lea
s
sm’
oni
uni
ial
soc
e
in the Delano events wer
the
as
WA
NF
out
d
gle
sin
way
Con
s,
pres
the
to
t
cep
con
ing the new
oe
model for what he has in mind.
LAF
hin
wit
tal
men
eri
exp
the
ard
tow
ft
shi
a
of
n
tio
ges
sug
Another
was
ve
dri
on
cti
ele
o
rgi
Gio
Di
the
en
wh
out
t
CIO ranks was brough
beg
tin
mee
l
rea
t
firs
the
for
ge
sta
the
set
ike
str
pe
gra
e
Th
k.
at its pea
not
e
hav
o
wh
ups
gro
two
,
nt
me
ve
mo
t
den
stu
the
and
or
tween big lab
en
Wh
rs.
yea
ent
rec
in
r
the
ano
one
for
th
rm
wa
and
st
felt much tru
Chavez
joined
the AFL-CIO,
no
doubt
some
students
who
had
been
654
with the NFWA movement from its beginnings felt that they had been
sold out. And no doubt some AFL-CIO veteran organizers who came
in to help with the campaign felt uneasy working alongside the youthful, idealistic radicals.
But
on
the whole,
relations
between
the student
with
few
volunteers and the labor officials were remarkable for
achieved under the duress and excitement of at least a
mon cause. William Kircher was quoted in the Fresno
the election to the effect that AFL-CIO organizers were
Oregon to the Mexican border trying to locate eligible
moved on to other crops. According to NFWA, however,
“organizers”
were
almost
entirely
students,
along
their harmony,
temporary comBee just before
strung out from
voters who had
these particular
a
activist
ministers and NFVWA strikers that Chavez had sent out. Apparently
Kircher had conferred official AFL-CIO status upon the whole lot for
the benefit of the press. While Chavez’s entry into the AFL-CIO will
hardly radicalize that organization, neither does it appear that the AFLCIO will try to press Chavez into one of its more conventional leadership
molds.
VI
The farm workers’ future also depends heavily on whether the strike
will have political consequences that might significantly affect farm labor
legislation.
Despite their conservative social values, many California agricultural communities like Delano are by no means political throwbacks
to rugged frontier individualism—that strange yearning seems to well
up most strongly in California’s suburbs. Delano’s voters, for example,
are Democrats by a margin of nearly two to one. Up till now, the state
Democratic party has managed to keep the growers’ friendship by not
actively worrying—to put it mildly—about the plight of farm workers.
Governor Brown has made campaign promises about pushing farm
labor legislation, which nobody, including himself, has taken seriously.
But now the grape strike has put California Democrats on the spot.
On
the one hand,
the furious
Delano
growers
and
townspeople,
as well
as farmers elsewhere in the state, anxiously watching the stirrings around
them, have been demanding that their elected guardians of law and
order
quell Chavez
and
his friends.
But
since
the
strike,
farm
workers
cannot be ignored politically for very much longer—they are becoming
increasingly well-organized, ready for action, and have gained wide
liberal and labor support.
,
As the strike swung into high gear last fall and winter, the politicians assumed their customary position—they saw fit to take a walk.
John Williamson, the State Assemblyman from the district that includes
695
Delano (and who also happens to be chairman of the Assembly’s Committee on Agriculture), kept silent—which alienated almost everybody.
The
local
State
Senator,
Walter
Stern,
also
mostly
kept to
himself.
Brown capped his inaction by being notably absent from Sacramento
when the marching farm workers arrived on Easter Sunday. Not until
mounting public pressure forced him to take steps with regard to the
Di Giorgio election did he become involved at all.
It is dificult to say whether political shifts in the state, following
in the wake
of the strike,
will
aid
the
farm
labor
cause
very
much
in
the near future. For one thing, the outcome of the Brown-Reagan contest is too uncertain for too many reasons. There is no question that
Brown’s lack of interest in the Easter march did him political damage;
most liberal and labor elements in the state were represented that Sunday, arrayed in a show of strong sympathy with the farm workers. However, this sort of alienated liberal sentiment will not show up to any
significant degree in the November race with Reagan. Even Chavez has
decided to back Brown before then, since a Reagan victory could stand
in the way of important pending farm labor legislation.
|
Perhaps there is more hope in the long run for action from Washington. Senator Harrison Williams of New Jersey, who, with Bobby Kennedy and George Murphy, held a Senate hearing in Delano, has initiated
new legislation to extend bargaining rights to farm workers, and Congressman Phil Burton from San Francisco has done the same in the
House. Even as they continue fighting grass-roots skirmishes, the fledgling farm labor unions must look to the lawmakers to help them win
the war. Only at the federal and state levels can moral conscience pressuring for social change become translated into the kind of political
power which can offset those economic and class interests that want to
preserve the status quo. Marvelously inspiring as the Delano struggle
has been,
both for the farm workers
themselves
and
the students,
conclude
that,
for
min-
isters, and trade unionists who helped them, anyone who reflects upon
the recent
events
in California
must
the
dispossessed, political and economic action have to go together.
American
Mr.
Eugene
| United
Nelson
Farm Workers
©»
Committee
PR. 0. Box 54
Rio Grande City,
Dear
Brother
©
Please be
approved a
Workers of
amount of
Gupeniatag
Texas
Nelson:
advised that the Texas UAW Leadership Council has
contribution of $2,500.00 to the striking Farm
Texas.
Enclosed you will find our check in the
$500.00 for the month of January 1967 and you may
expect to receive a like amount
February, March, April and May,
for each of
1967.
the
months
of
—<<“d
As you will recall, Brother Nelson, the UAW was in the forefront with aid and assistance when the Farm Workers were
marching to Austin seeking legislation providing for a
minimum wage of §1.25 per hour.
At that time, the UAW Area
Director for the State of Texas, H. A. Moon, along with M. J.
Baker, Edward Robinson and I from the Texas UAW Leadership
Council met the marching Farm Workers in Mathis, Texas and
presented them with our contribution of $1,000.00.
Later our
council held its state-wide meeting in Austin, participating
in the march to the Capitol where sentries were left on the
steps of the Capitol by the Farm Workers.
Let
me
assure
you,
Brother
Nelson,
that
the
UAW
stands
ready
lend its moral and financial assistance not only to the Farm
Workers of Texas but to other workers also in their fight for
equality and justice and the preservation of the dignity of
mankind.
_
to
ne
-“
Mr.
Eugene
Nelson
Dec
smber 19, 1966
Page 2
s
ker
wor
low
fel
r
you
s
ard
reg
our
e
giv
ase
ple
n,
sio
clu
In con
It is our hope that this contribution will
in this endeavor,
help to provide a better Christmas for the Parm Workers and their
families and that the New Year will bring the fulfillment of
their hopes and desires.
UD
&"E
—=<—
Sincerely
cas
Noy
L.
Texas
Walter Reuther
Ted Hawks
and
Sparks,
UAW
fraternally,
President
Leadership
Counci
- Item sets